பிஸ்மில்லாஹிர்ரஹ்மானிர்ரஹீம்
ஃபலஸ்தீனை வெற்றிக்கொள்ளல் இஃவான்களின் முடிவுறாத போராட்டம்
ஃபலஸ்தீன்,உலக முஸ்லிம்களின் அகீதாவோடு தொடர்புப்பட்டபூமி.அல்குர் ஆன் அதனை பறக்கத்ச்செய்யப்பட்டது என்கின்றது.நபிமார்களின் அனைவரது போராட்டத்திலும் ஃபலஸ்தீனுக்கு ஒரு முக்கிய இடம் இருந்திருக்கின்றது.உலகை ஆட்சிச்செய்த அனைத்து சமூகங்களும் ஃபலஸ்தீனை தமது ஆளுகைக்குள்க்கொண்டுவருவதற்காக கடும் பிரயத்தனங்கள் செய்திருக்கின்றன.ஏனெனில் ஃபலஸ்தீனை தம் கைவசம் வைத்திருக்கும் சமூகம் தான் உலகிற்கு தலைமையினை வழங்கியிருக்கின்றது.
அந்தவகையில் இஸ்ரா நிகழ்வுடன் ஃபலஸ்தீன் பூமியின் தலைமை நபியவர்களிடம் அல்லாஹ்தாஅலாவால் ஒப்படைக்கப்பட்டது.அந்த நம்பிக்கையின் விளைவால்தான் ஃபாலஸ்தீனை நோக்கிய படையெடுப்புகள் முஸ்லிம்கள் தரப்பிலிருந்து தொடர்ந்தும் முன்னெடுக்கப்பட்டன.இறுதியில் உமர்(ரழி) அவர்களின் ஆட்சிக்காலத்தில் ஃபலஸ்தீன் முழுமையாக முஸ்லிம்களிடம் வருகிறது.
இடைக்காலத்தில் சில வருடங்கள் முஸ்லிம்களிடமிருந்து ஃபலஸ்தீன் கிறிஸ்தவர்கள் கைக்கு நகர்ந்திருந்தாலு, ஸலாஹூத்தீன் அய்யூபியின் காரணமாக மீண்டும் ஃபலஸ்தீன் முஸ்லிம்கள் கைக்கு வருகிறது.அன்று முதல் இருபதாம் நூற்றாண்டின் மத்திய காலம் வரை ஃபலஸ்தீன் முஸ்லிம்களின் கைகளில்தான் இருந்திருக்கிறது.1948 மே மாதம் 15-ம் திகதியுடன் உத்தியோக பூர்வமாக இஸ்ரேல் உருவாக்கப்பட்டதுடன் பைத்துல்முகத்தஸ் உட்பட ஃபலஸ்தீனின் பெரும்பகுதி முஸ்லிம்களை விட்டுச்செல்கிறது.
ஃபலஸ்தீன் முஸ்லிம்களின் அகீதாவில் ஒரு பகுதி,அது விட்டுக் கொடுக்கப்படக்கூடாது-இஸ்லாமிய உலகின் இதயத்தில் ஒரு யூத நாடு தோன்றிவிடக்கூடாது என்ற ஒரு போராட்டம் ஆரம்பிக்கப்பட்டது.அது தான் அல் இஃவானுல் முஸ்லிமூன் இயக்கத்தவரின் போராட்டம்.இன்று வரை தொடரும் போராட்டம்.ஃபலஸ்தீன் முழுமையாக மீட்கப்படும் வரை நடைப்பெறப்போகும் போராட்டம்.
ஃபாலஸ்தீன விவகாரத்தில் இவர்கள் ஆரம்பமுதலே கவனம் செலுத்தியிருக்கிறார்கள்.1930 களில் ஃபாலஸ்தீன விவகாரத்திற்கான் தனிப்பிரிவு இஃவான்களில் உருவாக்கப்பட்டது.அதன் விளைவாக 1936ம் ஆண்டு புரட்சியில் அமீன் ஹுசைனியுடன் பல இஃவான்கள் பங்குப்பற்றினர்.தொடர்ந்து, 1938ஆம் ஆண்டு நடைப்பட்ட இஸ்ஸுத்தீன் கஸ்ஸாம் புரட்சியுலும் பல இஃவான்கள் கலந்துக்கொண்டனர்.பின்னர் ஃபலஸ்தீனுக்குள்ளேயே இருந்து செயல்படும் நோக்கில் 1946ஆம் ஆண்டு இஃவான்களது கிளை ஒன்று ஃபலஸ்தீனில் உருவாக்கப்பட்டது.அதன் தலைவராக ஜமால் ஹுசைனி என்பவர் நியமிக்கப்பட்டார்.
மறுபுறத்தில் எகிப்துக்குள்ளே யூதர்களின் நடவடிக்கைகல் பலம் பெறத்தொடங்கின.1943ஆம் ஆண்டு எகிப்தில் சியோனிச இயக்கத்தின் பிரிவு அரச அனுசரணையுடன் ஆரம்பிக்கப்பட்டது.1944ஆம் ஆண்டு அலெக்சாந்திரியாவில் நடைப்பெற்ற அவர்களது மாநாட்டில் சாமாதானத்தில் மூலமோ அல்லது யுத்தத்தின் மூலமோ இஸ்ரேல் உருவாகியே தீரும் என்று பகிரங்கமாக அறிவித்தார்கள்.எகிப்தின் கம்பெனிகளில் 40 வீதமானவறை யூதர்களே தம் வசம் வைத்திருந்தார்கள்.இந்த அபாயகரமான நிலையை எதிர்த்து இஃவான்கள் மாத்திரமே போர்க்கொடி தூக்கினார்கள்.
இரண்டாம் உலகப்போரின்போது பிரித்தானிய அரசு எகிப்திய யூதக்கம்பெனிகளின் உதவியுடன் ஆயிரக்கணக்கான யூதர்களை ஆயுத ரீதியாக பயிற்றுவித்தது.அப்போது இஃவான்கள் மாத்திரமே தமது உரைகள் ஊடாகவும் துண்டு பிரசுரங்கள்,புத்தகங்கள் ஊடாகவும் இந்தக்கம்பெனிகளின் உற்பத்திகளை பகிஷ்கரிக்குமாறு அழைப்பு விடுத்தார்கள்.பல மாநாடுகளை நடத்தினார்கள்.அறபுத்தலைவர்களை உசுப்பிவிட்டார்கள்.
இதன் விளைவாக ஃபலஸ்தீனுக்கான முதலாவது அறபு மாநாடு நடைப்பெற்றது.அதன் விளைவாக அறபு நாடுகளை திருப்திப்படுத்த வேண்டிய ஒரு நிர்ப்பந்த நிலைக்கு பிரித்தானியா தள்ளப்பட்டது.எனவே லண்டனில் அறபிகளையும் யூதர்களையும் இணைத்து வட்டமேஜை மாநாட்டை நடத்தினார்கள்.அதில் ஃபலஸ்தீனுக்குள்ளே யூதர்கள் மேற்க்கொள்ளும் சிறைப்பிடிப்புகளும் சித்திரவதைகளும் கொலைகளும் நிறுத்தப்படுவதற்கு உத்திரவாதம் தரப்பட்டது.அத்துடன் வெளியிடங்களிலிருந்து யூதர்கள் ஃபலஸ்தீனுக்கு வருவதில் ஒரு வரையறை இடப்பட்டது.
இதனை யூதர்கள் அங்கீகரிக்கவில்லை.உடனே பிரித்தானியாவை விட்டுவிட்டு அமெரிக்காவிடம் போய் உதவிக்கேட்டார்கள்.அதன் விளைவாக,அமெரிக்க-பிரித்தானிய நட்புறவு சபை உருவாக்கப்பட்டு அதன் தீர்மானத்தின் பிரகாரம் உடனடியாக ஒரு லட்சம் யூதர்கள் ஃபலஸ்தீனுக்கு அனுப்பப்பட அனுமதிக்கப்பட்டது.அத்துடன் யூதர்கள் ஃபலஸ்தீன நிலங்களை வாங்க விதிக்கப்பட்டிருந்த தடையும் நீக்கப்பட்டது.
தொடர்ந்தும் 1947 நவம்பர் 29ஆம் திகதி அமெரிக்க,பிரித்தானிய அழுத்தத்தின் விளைவாக ஐக்கிய நாடுகள் சபை ஃபலஸ்தீனை இரண்டு நாடுகளாக பிரிக்கும் தீர்மானத்தை வெளியிட்டது.ஒன்று யூதர்களுக்குரியது.மற்றையது அறபிகளுக்குரியது.இத்தீர்மானத்தை அறபுத்தலைவர்கள் எதிர்த்தார்கள்.
இஃவான்கள் ஒரு பெரும் எதிர்ப்பு மாநாட்டை ஏற்பாடு செய்தார்கள்.அதில் சவூதி அரேபியா,எகிப்து,சிரியா,சூடான் போன்ற நாடுகளின் பல அறிஞர்கள் கலந்துக்கொண்டனர்.அந்த மாநாட்டில் உரையாற்றிய இமாம் ஹஸனுல் பன்னா அவர்கள்,"ஃபலஸ்தீனே எமது இரத்தங்கள் உனக்கு அர்ப்பணமாகட்டும், இந்த மேடைமீது நின்று நான் உரத்துச்சொல்கிறேன்.இஃவான்களில் பத்தாயிரம் பேர் ஃபலஸ்தீனில் அல்லாஹ்வின் பாதையில் ஷஹீதாக தயாராக இருக்கிறார்கள்.அவர்கள் அழைப்பை எதிர்ப்பார்த்திருக்கிறார்கள்"என்று அறிவிப்புச்செய்தார்கள்.மாநாட்டின் நிறைவில் ஃபலஸ்தீனைக்காப்பதற்கான உயர்சபை ஒன்று உருவாக்கப்பட்டது.அதில் இமாமவர்களும் அங்கத்துவம் வகித்தார்கள்.அவர்கள் ஃபலஸ்தீன போரட்டத்திற்கான ஆயுதங்களையும் நிதியையும் திரட்டுவதில் மும்முரமாக ஈடுப்பட்டார்கள்.
1948ஆம் ஆண்டு மே மாதம் 26ஆம் திகதி இஃவான்கள் ஆக்கிரமிக்கும் யூதர்களுக்கு எதிராக ஜிஹாத் பிரகடனம் செய்தார்கள்.ஒவ்வொரு அங்கத்தவனும் ஜிஹாதிற்காக தன்னை தயார்ப்படுத்திக்கொள்வதை கடகையாக்கினார்கள்.இஃவான்களின் இந்த உறுதியைக்கண்ட பல தலைவர்களும் அவர்களுடன் ஒத்துழைக்க முன்வந்தார்கள்.எகிப்திய அரசப்படையில் இருந்த பல தளபதிகள் தமது தொழிலை ராஜினாமாச்செய்துவிட்டு இஃவான்களது படையில் வந்து இணைந்துக்கொண்டனர்.
இஃவான்களின் இராணுவ பயிற்சி சிரியாவில் நடைப்பெற்றது.அது முஸ்தபாஸிபாஈ,உமர் பாஹாவுத்தீன் அல் அமீரி,முஹம்மத் ஹாமித்,அப்துல்லாஹ் ஹில்லாக் போன்ற அன்றைய முக்கிய இஃவான்களின் தலைவர்களினது மேற்ப்பார்வையில் நடைப்பெற்றது.உண்மையில் இந்த தலைவர்கள் நேரடியாக யுத்தத்தில் ஆயுதம் ஏந்திப்போராடினார்கள்.
சிரியாவிலிருந்து வந்த படைக்கு முஸ்தபா ஸிபாஈ தலைமைத்தாங்கினார்கள்.ஜோர்தானிலிருந்து வந்த படைக்கு அப்துல் லதீப் அபூகூரஃ தலைமை தாங்கினார்கள்.ஈராக்கிலிருந்து வந்த படைக்கு முஹம்மத் மஹ்மூத் ஸவ்வாப் டலைமை தாங்கினார்கள்.இவர்கள் தான் அன்றைய நாளில் அந்த நாடுகளில் இஃவானுல் முஸ்லிமூன் இயக்கத்தின் தலைவர்களாகவும் காணப்பட்டார்கள்.
யுத்தம் நடைபெறுகின்றபோது, முஸ்தபா ஸிபாஈ அவர்களை ஏனையவர்கள்,அவர் நேரடியாக யுத்தத்தில் ஈடுபடாமல் தலைமையகத்தில் இருந்துக்கொண்டு மேற்பார்வை செய்தால் போதுமானது என்றார்கள்.நேரடியாக யுத்தத்தில் ஈடுபட்ட முன் அனுபவங்கள் அவருக்கு குறைவு என்பதே காரணம்.ஆனாலும் அதனை மறுதலித்த முஸ்தபாஸிபாஈ அவர்கள் "நான் அல்லாஹ்வின் பாதையில் ஷஹீதாக வேண்டுமென்பதற்காவன்றி வேறு எதற்காகவும் இங்கு வரவில்லை."என்றார்.எனவே அவரும் நேரடியாக யுத்தத்தில் ஈடுபட்டார்.
உண்மையில் 1948ஆம் ஆண்டு யுத்தத்தில் இஃவான்கள் காட்டிய வீரம் பலரது கவனத்தையும் ஈர்த்தது.மிகக்குறைந்த மனித வளங்களுடனும் மிகக் குறைந்த ஆயுதங்களுடனும்-ஆனால் மிக உயர்ந்த ஈமானுடனும் அவர்கள் போராடினார்கள்.எனவே தான் அவர்கள் ஏனையவர்களை விட அதிகமாக சாதித்தார்கள்.
தபத்86 என்னும் இடத்தை கைப்பற்றுவதற்கான போராட்டம் இடற்கு சான்றாக உள்ளது.எகிப்திய படையினர் 3ஆயிரம் பேருடன் மூன்று நாட்களாக போராடினார்கள்.வெற்றிக்கிடைக்கவில்லை.படைத்தளபதி முஹம்மது நஜீப் என்பவர் கூட போராட்டத்தில் காயப்பட்டார்.மூன்றாம் நாள் முடிவில் அவர்கள் இஃவான்களிடம் உதவிக்கேட்டார்கள்.இஃவான்கள் 50 பேரை மாத்திரம் அனுப்பிவைத்தார்கள்.அவர்கள் படையின் முன்னணியில் நின்று போராடினார்கள்.ஒரே நாளில் அந்த இடம் கைப்பற்றப்பட்டது.யூதர்கள் விரண்டோடினார்கள்.
1948ஆம் ஆண்டு ஜூன் மாதம் 11ஆம் திகதி திடீரன யுத்த நிறுத்தத்திற்கு அறபுத்தலைவர்கள் உடன்ப்பட்டுவிட்டார்கள்.,ஃபலஸ்தீனில் போராடிக்கொண்டிருந்தவர்களுக்கு இது பேரதிற்சியைக்கொடுத்தது.முஸ்லிம்கள் வெற்றியின் உச்சத்தில் நிற்கின்றபோது முழுமையான வெற்றியைபெறுமுன்னர் ஏன் இந்த யுத்த நிறுத்தம்?
யூதர்கள் தமக்குத்தேவையான் ஆயுதங்களை வரவழைத்துக்கொள்வதற்கானஒரு வாய்ப்பாகவே இந்த யுத்தத்தை ஐக்கிய நாடுகள் சபைக் கொண்டுவந்தது.இமாம் ஹஸ்னுல் பன்னா அவர்கள் விரைந்துச் செயல்ப்பட்டார்கள்.அறபுத்தலைவர்களுக்கு இந்த விடையத்தை தெளிவுப்படுத்த முற்ப்பட்டார்கள்.விளைவாக யுத்தம் மீண்டும் ஆரம்பித்த போதிலும் அது நீடிக்கவில்லை.
இரண்டாவது தடவையாகவும் யுத்த நிறுத்தம் நடைமுறைக்கு வந்தது.இந்தத் தடவை யூதர்கள் நவீனகரமான ஆயுதங்களைக்கொண்டு குவித்தார்கள்.யுத்த நிறுத்தம் அமுலில் உள்ளபோதே அதைப்பற்றி சிறிதும் கருத்தில் கொள்ளாது,புதிய ஆயுதங்கள் கொடுத்த தைரியத்தில் முஸ்லிம்களை கொடூரமாக தாக்கத்தொடங்கினார்கள்.முஸ்லிம்களுக்கு ஆயுதங்களைக்கொண்டு சேர்ப்பதற்கு அறபுத்தலைவர்களே தடையாக இருந்தார்கள்.சில பிரதேசங்களிலிருந்து முஸ்லிம் படைகள் பலவந்தமாய் வாபஸ் வாங்க வைக்கப்பட்டன.
எகிப்திய இஃவான்களின் படையினர் மேலக பயிற்சி என்ற போர்வையில் ஒன்று திரட்டப்பட்டு,அவர்கள் அனைவரும் கைதுச்செய்யப்பட்டு சிறைகளில் அடைக்கப்பட்டனர்.யூதர்கள் இஃவான்களில் கைதாவோரை சராசரி கைதியாக கருதாமல் போர்க்குற்றவாளிகள் என்றுக்கூறி கொடூரமாகக்கொலைச்செய்தார்கள்.இறுதியில் இதுப்போன்ற சதிகளின் விளைவாக முஸ்லிம்கள் ஆக்கிரமிக்கும் யூதர்களுக்குமுன்னால் தோற்றுப்போனார்கள்.ஃபலஸ்தீன் பரிதாபமாய் ஆக்கிரமிக்கும் யூதர்களின் கைகளில் விழுந்தது.
இந்த யுத்தம்தான்,உலகிற்கு இஃவான்களின் பலத்தை அறிய வைத்தது.இதன் பின்னர்தான் இமாம் ஹஸனுல் பன்னா கொலைச்செய்யப்படவேண்டும் என்ற தீர்மானத்த்ற்கு மேற்குலகம் வந்தது.1948ஆம் ஆண்டு "ரோஸ் காரீப்" எனும் யூதப்பெண் பத்திரிகையாளர் ஒருவர் "சண்டே மிரர்"எனும் பத்திரகைக்கு எழுதிய ஒரு கட்டுரையில் இஃவான்களைப்பற்றி இவ்வாறு எழுதுகிறாள்:தற்ப்பொழுது இஃவானுல் முஸ்லிமூன் என்னும் ஈர்ப்புமிக்க இந்தப்பெயருக்குப்பின்னால் அள்ள அந்த மனிதர்கள் யார் என்பதை அறிந்துக்கொள்ள வேண்டிய தருணம் வந்துவிட்டது.தற்போது ஃபலஸ்தீனில் உள்ள யூதர்கள்தான் இவர்களது மிகப்பெரிய எதிரிகள்.யூதர்கள்தான் இவர்களது அடிப்படை இலக்கு.மத்திய கிழக்கின் பல நகரங்களில் இதன் அங்கத்தவர்கள் யூதர்களின் சொத்துகளை அழிக்கத்தொடங்கிவிட்டார்கள்.அவர்கள் தற்ப்பொழுது பஹ்ரைனிலும் யெமனிலும் யூதர்கள் மீது அத்துமீற ஆயத்தமாகிறார்கள்.அவர்கள்தான் அமெரிக்கக் கவுன்சில்களை தாக்கியவர்கள்.
பகிரங்கமாகவே அறபு நாடுகள் ஐக்கிய நாடுகள் சபையிலிருந்து வெளியேறவேண்டும் எனக்கேட்டுள்ளனர்.ஃபலஸ்தீனிலுள்ள யூத நாடு ஐக்கிய நாடுகள் சபையிடம் எதிர்ப்பார்ப்பது நாட்டை இரண்டாகப்பிரிக்கும் அதன் தீர்மானத்தை நடைமுறைப்படுத்தும் சர்வதேசப் படைகளையல்ல.மாற்றமாக இஃவனுல்முஸ்லிமூன்களை நேருக்கு நேர் நின்று எதிர்க்கத்தகுதியானபடைகளைத்தான் எதிர்ப்பாக்கிறார்கள்.இந்த இயக்கத்தின் பெயரில் இருக்கும் அடிப்படை அபாயத்தை உலகம் அறிந்துக்கொள்ளவேண்டும்.
"மிக அவசரமாக உலகம் அந்த உண்மையை உணர்ந்துக்கொள்ளவில்லையெனின், ஐரோப்பா இந்த நூற்றாண்டின் கடந்த நாட்களில் நாஸிஸ இயக்கத்திடம் கண்டதை இங்கேயும் காணவேண்டியிருக்கும்.வட அமெரிக்காவிலிருந்து பாகிஸ்தான் வரையிலும்-துருக்கி முதல் இந்தியாவரையிலும் பரந்த ஒரு இஸ்லாமிய சாம்ராஜ்ஜியத்தை ஐரோப்பா எதிர்க்கொள்ள வேண்டியிவரும்."
இவை யூதப்பெண் எழுத்தாளர் ஒருவரின் வார்த்தைகள்.மிகப்பெரிய உண்மைகள் விஷம் கலந்து தரப்பட்டிருக்கின்றன.இந்த உண்மைகள் ஃபலஸ்தீன் விவகாரத்தில் இஃவான்களின் பாரிய பங்களிப்புகளுக்கு போதிய சான்றுகளாகும்.இஃவான்கள் ஒரு பெரும் சக்தி என்பதை அன்றே அங்கீகரித்துவிட்டனர்.அவர்களால்தான் ஃபலஸ்தீனும் உலகின் செல்வாக்கும் மேற்குலகிற்கு கிடைக்காமல் போக முடியும் என்றுக் கண்டனர்.எனவேதான் இன்று வரைக்கும் மேற்குலகின் பிரதான எதிரியாக அவர்கள் பார்க்கப்படுகின்றனர்.அல்லாஹ் அவர்களை வெற்றிப்பெறச்செய்வானாக.
நன்றி: மீள்ப்பார்வை மே 2007
Wednesday, August 08, 2007
Tuesday, July 03, 2007
தடையை மீறி ஹிஜாப் பிரச்சாரம்
பிஸ்மில்லாஹிர்ரஹ்மானிர்ரஹீம்
தடைகளை தாண்டி ஹிஜாபிற்காக பிரச்சாரம்
"துருக்கியில் ஹிஜாப் என்பது வெறும் தலையை மறைக்கும் ஒரு துண்டு துணியல்ல, மாறாக அது ஒரு சமூக அரசியல் பிரச்சனையாக மாறிவிட்டது"-துருக்கியின் அரப் பத்திரிகையாளர் ரானியா ஷுஃபி கூறுகிறார்.இவர் துருக்கி முழுவதும் பயணம் செய்யும் வாய்ப்பைப்பெற்றவர்.
துருக்கியில் அரசாங்கத்தின் கடுமையான தடையிருந்தும் ஹிஜாப் அணியும் பெண்களின் எண்ணிக்கை அதிகரித்துவருகிறது.துருக்கியில் தற்ப்பொழுது 70% பெண்களும் பர்தா அணிகின்றார்கள்.
அரபு நாடுகள் பலவற்றிலும் ஹிஜாப் முஸ்லீம் பெண்கள் அணியும் ஒரு பாரம்பரிய ஆடையாக இருப்பதால் அதனை சிலர் நிர்ப்பந்தத்தின் அடிப்படையில் அணியலாம்.ஆனால் துருக்கியின் நிலையோ வேறு.இங்கு ஹிஜாப் அணிந்தால் கைதுச்செய்யப்படலாம் அல்லது தண்டிக்கப்படலாம் என்ற கடுமையான நிலையிருந்தும் அந்தப்பெண்கள் ஹிஜாப் அணிவதையே விரும்புகிறார்கள்.
23 வயதுடைய ஃபாத்திமா கதானிகஷிற்கு ஹிஜாப் அணிந்ததால் பல்கலைக்கழக அனுமதி மறுக்கப்பட்டது.அதனால் அவருக்கு வருத்தமில்லை."அதிகாரத்தை கையில் வைத்திருப்போருக்கு என்னுடைய பல்கலைகழக அனுமதியை வேண்டுமென்றால் மறுக்கலாம் ஆனல் என்னுடைய வாழ்க்கைப்பயணத்தை அவர்களால் தடைச்செய்யமுடியாது"என்கிறார் அவர்.
அரசாங்கத்தின் கடும் தடைக்காரணமாக ஆயிரக்கணக்கான பெண்கள் பல்கலை கழக கல்வி பயல்வது அஸர்பைஜான் போன்ற பக்கத்து நாடுகளில்.பிரதமர் ரஜப் தய்யிப் உருதுகானின் பெண்மக்கள் ஹ்ஜாப் காரணமாக கல்வி பயில்வது அமெரிக்காவில்.அவருடைய மனைவி தலைமறைப்பதற்குக்கூட அங்குள்ள ராணுவத்தலைமை எதிர்ப்புத்தெரிவிக்கிறது.
துர்க்கியில் இன்னொரு காட்சியையும் காணலாம் அது கல்விகூடங்களிலும் அலுவலகங்களிலும் வரும் பெண்கள் உள்ளேச்செல்லும்பொழுது ஹிஜாபைக்கழற்றிவிட்டுச்செல்வதும் வெளியே வரும்போது அணிவதும்தான்.இதனால் மதவிரோதிகளின் அனுதாபத்தையும் இவர்கள் பெற்றுவிட்டார்கள்.1997 பிப்ரவரி 28 அன்று நஜ்முதீன் அர்பகானின் ஆட்சியை கலைத்துவிட்டபிறகு ஹிஜாப் அணிவது துருக்கியில் அரசு அலுவலங்களிலும் கல்விக்கூடங்களிலும் தடைச்செய்யப்பட்டது.
தடைகளை தாண்டி ஹிஜாபிற்காக பிரச்சாரம்
"துருக்கியில் ஹிஜாப் என்பது வெறும் தலையை மறைக்கும் ஒரு துண்டு துணியல்ல, மாறாக அது ஒரு சமூக அரசியல் பிரச்சனையாக மாறிவிட்டது"-துருக்கியின் அரப் பத்திரிகையாளர் ரானியா ஷுஃபி கூறுகிறார்.இவர் துருக்கி முழுவதும் பயணம் செய்யும் வாய்ப்பைப்பெற்றவர்.
துருக்கியில் அரசாங்கத்தின் கடுமையான தடையிருந்தும் ஹிஜாப் அணியும் பெண்களின் எண்ணிக்கை அதிகரித்துவருகிறது.துருக்கியில் தற்ப்பொழுது 70% பெண்களும் பர்தா அணிகின்றார்கள்.
அரபு நாடுகள் பலவற்றிலும் ஹிஜாப் முஸ்லீம் பெண்கள் அணியும் ஒரு பாரம்பரிய ஆடையாக இருப்பதால் அதனை சிலர் நிர்ப்பந்தத்தின் அடிப்படையில் அணியலாம்.ஆனால் துருக்கியின் நிலையோ வேறு.இங்கு ஹிஜாப் அணிந்தால் கைதுச்செய்யப்படலாம் அல்லது தண்டிக்கப்படலாம் என்ற கடுமையான நிலையிருந்தும் அந்தப்பெண்கள் ஹிஜாப் அணிவதையே விரும்புகிறார்கள்.
23 வயதுடைய ஃபாத்திமா கதானிகஷிற்கு ஹிஜாப் அணிந்ததால் பல்கலைக்கழக அனுமதி மறுக்கப்பட்டது.அதனால் அவருக்கு வருத்தமில்லை."அதிகாரத்தை கையில் வைத்திருப்போருக்கு என்னுடைய பல்கலைகழக அனுமதியை வேண்டுமென்றால் மறுக்கலாம் ஆனல் என்னுடைய வாழ்க்கைப்பயணத்தை அவர்களால் தடைச்செய்யமுடியாது"என்கிறார் அவர்.
அரசாங்கத்தின் கடும் தடைக்காரணமாக ஆயிரக்கணக்கான பெண்கள் பல்கலை கழக கல்வி பயல்வது அஸர்பைஜான் போன்ற பக்கத்து நாடுகளில்.பிரதமர் ரஜப் தய்யிப் உருதுகானின் பெண்மக்கள் ஹ்ஜாப் காரணமாக கல்வி பயில்வது அமெரிக்காவில்.அவருடைய மனைவி தலைமறைப்பதற்குக்கூட அங்குள்ள ராணுவத்தலைமை எதிர்ப்புத்தெரிவிக்கிறது.
துர்க்கியில் இன்னொரு காட்சியையும் காணலாம் அது கல்விகூடங்களிலும் அலுவலகங்களிலும் வரும் பெண்கள் உள்ளேச்செல்லும்பொழுது ஹிஜாபைக்கழற்றிவிட்டுச்செல்வதும் வெளியே வரும்போது அணிவதும்தான்.இதனால் மதவிரோதிகளின் அனுதாபத்தையும் இவர்கள் பெற்றுவிட்டார்கள்.1997 பிப்ரவரி 28 அன்று நஜ்முதீன் அர்பகானின் ஆட்சியை கலைத்துவிட்டபிறகு ஹிஜாப் அணிவது துருக்கியில் அரசு அலுவலங்களிலும் கல்விக்கூடங்களிலும் தடைச்செய்யப்பட்டது.
Monday, July 02, 2007
ISLAMIC PERSONALITY
BISMILLAHIRRAHUMANIRRAHEEM
Allama Mohammed Iqbal
Birth: Iqbal was born in the Punjab on February 22, 1873. His ancestors, who were Kashmiri Brahmins, had embraced Islam two hundred years earlier. Iqbal's own father was a devout Muslim with Sufistic bent of mind. Primary Education He received his early education in Sialkot. After passing the entrance examination, he joined Intermediary College. Mir Hassan, a great oriental scholar, had a special aptitude for imparting his own literary taste and to his students. Under his influence, Iqbal was drawn towards Islamic studies, which he regarded to be an outstanding favor that he could not forget it all his life. Higher Education Passing on to the Government College of Lahore, Iqbal did his graduation with English Literature, Philosophy and Arabic as his subjects. At the college he met Prof. Arnold and Sir Abdul Qadir. Iqbal's poem, Chand (moon) and other early poems appeared in the journal (which belonged to Sir Abdul Qadir) in 1901 and were acclaimed by critics as cutting a new path in Urdu poetry. It did not take him long to win recognition as a rising star on the firmament of Urdu literature. In the mean time he had done his MA in Philosophy and was appointed as a Lecturer in History, Philosophy and Political science at Oriental College, Lahore. He then moved to Government College to teach Philosophy and English Literature. Wherever Iqbal worked or thought his versatility and scholarship made a deep impression on those around him. In Europe Iqbal proceeded to Europe for higher studies in 1905 and stayed there for three years. He took the Honors Degree in Philosophy and taught Arabic at the Cambridge University in the absence of Prof. Arnold. From England, he went to Germany to do his doctorate in Philosophy from Munich and then returned to London to qualify for the bar. He also served as a teacher in the London school of Commerce and passed the Honors Examination in Economics and Political Science. During his stay in Europe Iqbal not only read voraciously but also wrote and lectured on Islamic subjects which added to his popularity and fame in literary circles. Back in India Iqbal returned to India in 1908. The poet had won all these academic laurels by the time he was 32 or 33. He practiced as a lawyer from 1908 to 1934, when ill health compelled him to give up his practice. In fact, his heart was not in it and he devoted more time to philosophy and literature than to legal profession. He attended the meetings of Anjuman Himayat-I-Islam regularly at Lahore. The epoch making poems, Shikwa and Jawab-e-Shikwa, which he read out in the annual convention of it one year after another, sparkled with the glow of his genius and made him immensely popular. They became the national songs of Millet. Iqbal's other poems Tarana-e-Hind (The Indian anthem) and Tarana-e-Milli (the Muslim Anthem) also became very popular among masses and used to be sung as symbols of National or Muslim identity at public meetings. The spirit of Change The Balkan wars and the Battle of Tripoli, in 1910, shook Iqbal powerfully and inflicted a deep wound upon his heart. In his mood of anger and frustration, he wrote a number of stirring poems, which together with portraying the anguish of Muslims were severely critical of the West. The spirit of change is evident in poems like Bilad-e-Islamia (the lands of Islam), Wataniat (Nationalism), Muslim, Fatima Bint Abdullah (who was killed in the siege of Cyrainca, Siddiq, Bilal, Tahzib-e-Hazir (Modern civilization) and Huzoor-e-Risalat Maab Mein (in the presence of Sacred Prophet). In these poems, Iqbal deplores the attitude of Muslim leaders who lay a claim to Islamic leadership and yet are devoid of a genuine spiritual attachment to the blessed Prophet. The turning point in Iqbal's Life Iqbal was shaken by the tragic events of World War I and the disaster the Muslims had to face. The genius had passed through the formative period. He had attained maturity as a poet, thinker, seer and crusader who could read the signs of tomorrow in the happenings of today, make predictions, present hard facts and unravel abstruse truths through the medium of poetry and ignite the flame of faith, Selfhood and courage by his own intensity of feeling and force of expression. Khizr-e-Raah (The Guide) occupies the place of pride among the poems he wrote during this period. Bang-e-Dara (The caravan bell) published in 1929 has held a place of honor in Urdu poetry and world poetry. Iqbal preferred Persian for poetic expression because its circle was wider than that of Urdu in Muslim India. His Persian works, Asrar-e-khudi (Secrets of the self), Rumuz-e-Bekhudi (Mysteries of Selflessness), Payam-e-Mashriq (Message of the East), Javed Nama (The Song of Eternity) belong to the same period of his life. And so is Reconstruction of Religious Thoughts in Islam, which was extensively appreciated and translated into many languages. Academies were set up in Italy and Germany for the study of Iqbal's poetry and philosophy. Politics In 1927 the poet was elected to the Punjab Legislative assembly. In 1930, he was elected to preside over at the annual session of Muslim League. In his presidential address at Allahabad, Iqbal for the first time introduced the idea of Pakistan. In 1930-31, he attended the Round Table conference, which met in London to frame a constitution for India. In Spain While in England, Iqbal accepted the hospitality of Spain. He also went to Cordoba and had the distinction of being the first Muslim to offer prayers at its historical mosque after the exile of Moors. Memories of the past glory of Arabs and their 800-year rule over Spain were revived in his mind and his emotions were aroused by what he saw. Meeting with Mussolini In Italy Iqbal was received by Mussolini who had read some of his works and was aquatinted with his philosophy. They had long meetings and talked freely to each other. The Universities of Cambridge, Rome and Madrid and the Roman Royal society organized meetings in his honor. On his way back he also went to Jerusalem to attend the International Conference of Motamar-i-Isalami. In Afghanistan At the invitation of King Nadir Shah, Iqbal visited Afghanistan in 1932. The king received the poet with great honor and met hi privately, as well during which he laid bare his heart. The two talked and wept. Iqbal's Death The last phase of Iqbal's life was embittered with constant illness. But as regards his creative activities this product was most productive. He kept in touch with every question of the day and continued composing beautiful verses. A few minutes before his death he recited these touching lines: The departed melody may return or not! The zephyr from Hijaz may blow again or not! The days of this Faqir has come to an end, Another seer may come or not! Although Iqbal's was long and protracted the end was sudden and very peaceful. He breathed his last in the early hours of April 21, 1938, in the arms of his old and devoted servant, leaving behind a host of mourners all over the Islamic world. There was a faint smile playing on his lips, which irresistibly reminded one of the last criterions, which he laid down for a truthful Muslim (Mumin). I tell you the sign of a Mumin- When death comes there is smile on his lips.
Allama Mohammed Iqbal
Birth: Iqbal was born in the Punjab on February 22, 1873. His ancestors, who were Kashmiri Brahmins, had embraced Islam two hundred years earlier. Iqbal's own father was a devout Muslim with Sufistic bent of mind. Primary Education He received his early education in Sialkot. After passing the entrance examination, he joined Intermediary College. Mir Hassan, a great oriental scholar, had a special aptitude for imparting his own literary taste and to his students. Under his influence, Iqbal was drawn towards Islamic studies, which he regarded to be an outstanding favor that he could not forget it all his life. Higher Education Passing on to the Government College of Lahore, Iqbal did his graduation with English Literature, Philosophy and Arabic as his subjects. At the college he met Prof. Arnold and Sir Abdul Qadir. Iqbal's poem, Chand (moon) and other early poems appeared in the journal (which belonged to Sir Abdul Qadir) in 1901 and were acclaimed by critics as cutting a new path in Urdu poetry. It did not take him long to win recognition as a rising star on the firmament of Urdu literature. In the mean time he had done his MA in Philosophy and was appointed as a Lecturer in History, Philosophy and Political science at Oriental College, Lahore. He then moved to Government College to teach Philosophy and English Literature. Wherever Iqbal worked or thought his versatility and scholarship made a deep impression on those around him. In Europe Iqbal proceeded to Europe for higher studies in 1905 and stayed there for three years. He took the Honors Degree in Philosophy and taught Arabic at the Cambridge University in the absence of Prof. Arnold. From England, he went to Germany to do his doctorate in Philosophy from Munich and then returned to London to qualify for the bar. He also served as a teacher in the London school of Commerce and passed the Honors Examination in Economics and Political Science. During his stay in Europe Iqbal not only read voraciously but also wrote and lectured on Islamic subjects which added to his popularity and fame in literary circles. Back in India Iqbal returned to India in 1908. The poet had won all these academic laurels by the time he was 32 or 33. He practiced as a lawyer from 1908 to 1934, when ill health compelled him to give up his practice. In fact, his heart was not in it and he devoted more time to philosophy and literature than to legal profession. He attended the meetings of Anjuman Himayat-I-Islam regularly at Lahore. The epoch making poems, Shikwa and Jawab-e-Shikwa, which he read out in the annual convention of it one year after another, sparkled with the glow of his genius and made him immensely popular. They became the national songs of Millet. Iqbal's other poems Tarana-e-Hind (The Indian anthem) and Tarana-e-Milli (the Muslim Anthem) also became very popular among masses and used to be sung as symbols of National or Muslim identity at public meetings. The spirit of Change The Balkan wars and the Battle of Tripoli, in 1910, shook Iqbal powerfully and inflicted a deep wound upon his heart. In his mood of anger and frustration, he wrote a number of stirring poems, which together with portraying the anguish of Muslims were severely critical of the West. The spirit of change is evident in poems like Bilad-e-Islamia (the lands of Islam), Wataniat (Nationalism), Muslim, Fatima Bint Abdullah (who was killed in the siege of Cyrainca, Siddiq, Bilal, Tahzib-e-Hazir (Modern civilization) and Huzoor-e-Risalat Maab Mein (in the presence of Sacred Prophet). In these poems, Iqbal deplores the attitude of Muslim leaders who lay a claim to Islamic leadership and yet are devoid of a genuine spiritual attachment to the blessed Prophet. The turning point in Iqbal's Life Iqbal was shaken by the tragic events of World War I and the disaster the Muslims had to face. The genius had passed through the formative period. He had attained maturity as a poet, thinker, seer and crusader who could read the signs of tomorrow in the happenings of today, make predictions, present hard facts and unravel abstruse truths through the medium of poetry and ignite the flame of faith, Selfhood and courage by his own intensity of feeling and force of expression. Khizr-e-Raah (The Guide) occupies the place of pride among the poems he wrote during this period. Bang-e-Dara (The caravan bell) published in 1929 has held a place of honor in Urdu poetry and world poetry. Iqbal preferred Persian for poetic expression because its circle was wider than that of Urdu in Muslim India. His Persian works, Asrar-e-khudi (Secrets of the self), Rumuz-e-Bekhudi (Mysteries of Selflessness), Payam-e-Mashriq (Message of the East), Javed Nama (The Song of Eternity) belong to the same period of his life. And so is Reconstruction of Religious Thoughts in Islam, which was extensively appreciated and translated into many languages. Academies were set up in Italy and Germany for the study of Iqbal's poetry and philosophy. Politics In 1927 the poet was elected to the Punjab Legislative assembly. In 1930, he was elected to preside over at the annual session of Muslim League. In his presidential address at Allahabad, Iqbal for the first time introduced the idea of Pakistan. In 1930-31, he attended the Round Table conference, which met in London to frame a constitution for India. In Spain While in England, Iqbal accepted the hospitality of Spain. He also went to Cordoba and had the distinction of being the first Muslim to offer prayers at its historical mosque after the exile of Moors. Memories of the past glory of Arabs and their 800-year rule over Spain were revived in his mind and his emotions were aroused by what he saw. Meeting with Mussolini In Italy Iqbal was received by Mussolini who had read some of his works and was aquatinted with his philosophy. They had long meetings and talked freely to each other. The Universities of Cambridge, Rome and Madrid and the Roman Royal society organized meetings in his honor. On his way back he also went to Jerusalem to attend the International Conference of Motamar-i-Isalami. In Afghanistan At the invitation of King Nadir Shah, Iqbal visited Afghanistan in 1932. The king received the poet with great honor and met hi privately, as well during which he laid bare his heart. The two talked and wept. Iqbal's Death The last phase of Iqbal's life was embittered with constant illness. But as regards his creative activities this product was most productive. He kept in touch with every question of the day and continued composing beautiful verses. A few minutes before his death he recited these touching lines: The departed melody may return or not! The zephyr from Hijaz may blow again or not! The days of this Faqir has come to an end, Another seer may come or not! Although Iqbal's was long and protracted the end was sudden and very peaceful. He breathed his last in the early hours of April 21, 1938, in the arms of his old and devoted servant, leaving behind a host of mourners all over the Islamic world. There was a faint smile playing on his lips, which irresistibly reminded one of the last criterions, which he laid down for a truthful Muslim (Mumin). I tell you the sign of a Mumin- When death comes there is smile on his lips.
Sunday, June 10, 2007
இஃவான்கள் இலக்கை அடைவார்களா?
பிஸ்மில்லாஹிர்ரஹ்மானிர்ரஹீம்
இஃவான்கள் இலக்கை அடைவார்களா?
நபியவர்கள் கூறினார்கள்"அல்லாஹுத்தாலா ஒவ்வொரு நூற்றாண்டின் ஆரம்பத்திலும் இந்த மார்க்கத்தை புனர்நிர்மாணம் செய்கின்ற ஒருவரை அனுப்பிவைக்கிறான்"(அபூதாவூத்)
புனர் நிர்மாணம் என்றால் என்ன? என்பதற்கு ஆரம்பகால அறிஞர்கள் விளக்கம் தருகின்றபோது,மார்க்கத்தில் புதிதாக நுழைந்த நூதனங்கள் அகற்றப்படுதல்,மார்ர்க்கத்தில் மறக்கப்பட்ட அல்லது இல்லாது செய்யப்பட்டவற்றை மீண்டும் கொண்டுவருதல் போன்ற விளக்கங்களை அளித்துள்ளனர்.(பத்ஹுல் பாரி).அது போன்றே நவீன கால அறிஞர்கள் இதர்கு விளக்கம் அளிக்கின்றபோது,மார்க்கத்தை குறித்து காலத்தின் பண்புகளுக்கு ஏற்ப விளங்கி நடைமுறைப்படுத்தல் என்றனர்.
இந்த இரண்டு விளக்கங்களும் ஒன்றையொன்று முழுமைப்படுத்துவதாகவே காணப்படுகின்றன.அந்த வகையில் புனர்நிர்மாணம் என்பது இஸ்லாம்ப்பற்றிய புரிதல் அதன் மூலமாக அல்குர் ஆன் சுன்னாவிற்கு மீளல்.அதாவது எந்தக்கலப்புமின்றி குர் ஆன் சுன்னாவிலிருந்து தூயவடிவில் இஸ்லாத்தை விளங்கி அதனை நாம் வாழ்கின்ற காலத்தின் பாஷையில்,வடிவத்தில், இயல்பில் நடைமுறைப்படுத்தல் எனப்பொருள்படும்.
அந்தவகையில் புனர்நிர்மாணம் என்பது நபியவர்களது தாஃவா இந்த உலகில் எதை சாதிக்க நினைத்ததுவோ அல்லது சாதித்ததுவோ அதனை மீண்டும் இந்த உலகில் சாதித்துக்காட்டுவதுதான் புனர்நிர்மாணமாகும். நபியவர்களது தாஃவா, இஸ்லாத்திற்கான முதல் நிர்மாணம் அதனை புனர்நிர்மாணம் செய்வதென்பது அதே பணியை மீண்டும் மேற்க்கொண்டு அதே இலக்கை அடைதல் என்பதாகும்.நபியவர்களது தாஃவாவின் இலக்கு என்ன? முழு மனித சமுதாயத்திற்கும் வழிக்காட்டுதல்,அவர்களுக்கு தலைமையை வழங்குதல்,இந்த முழு உலகமும் இஸ்லாத்தின் வழிக்காட்டுதலில் இயங்கவேண்டும் என்பதே.இதுதான் நபியவர்களது பணி. இதைத்தான் அல்குர் ஆன் இவ்வாறுக்குறிப்பிடுகிறது
“இன்னும் நீங்கள் அல்லாஹ்வின் பாதையில் அவனுக்காக போராட வேண்டிய முறைப்படி போராடுங்கள்; அவன் உங்களைத் தேர்ந்தெடுத்துக் கொண்டான்; இந்த தீனில் (மார்க்கத்தில்) அவன் உங்களுக்கு எந்த சிரமத்தையும் ஏற்படுத்தவில்லை இது தான் உங்கள் பிதாவாகிய இப்றாஹீமுடைய மார்க்கமாகும்; அவன்தாம் இதற்கு முன்னர் உங்களுக்கு முஸ்லிம்கள் எனப் பெயரிட்டான். இ(வ்வேதத்)திலும் (அவ்வாறே கூறப் பெற்றுள்ளது); இதற்கு நம்முடைய இத்தூதர் உங்களுக்குச் சாட்சியாக இருக்கிறார்; எனவே நீங்கள் தொழுகையை நிலை நிறுத்துங்கள் இன்னும் ஜகாத்தைக் கொடுத்து வாருங்கள், அல்லாஹ்வைப் பற்றிக் கொள்ளுங்கள், அவன்தான் உங்கள் பாதுகாவலன்;.பாதுகாவலர்களிலெல்லாம் அவனே மிக்க நல்லவன், மிகச் சிறந்த உதவியாளன்.”( அல்குர் ஆன்22:78)
நபியவர்கள் முஸ்லிம் சமூகத்தின் தலைமை.முஸ்லிம்கள் மனித சமூகத்தின் தலைமை.அதற்காகத்தான் அல்லாஹ் முஸ்லிம்களைத்தேர்வுச்செய்தான் என்கிறது இந்த அல்குர் ஆன் வசனம்.
உலகிற்கு வழிகாட்டி தலைமையை வழங்கும் இந்தப்பணிக்காகத்தான் கிலாபத் அவசியப்பட்டது.தலைமையை வழங்கும் அதிகார மிக்க இடம்தான் கிலாபத்.ந்பியவர்களின் முதல் நிர்மாணம் இந்த இலக்கை அடைந்தது.பின்னர் நீண்ட காலம் உலகிற்கு வழிக்காட்டித்தலைமையை வழங்கியது.ஆனால் 1924ம் ஆண்டுடன் அது சரிந்து வீழ்ந்தது.
இப்பொழுது புனர்நிர்மாணம் ஒன்று அவசியப்படுகிறது.அதன் இலக்கு என்ன? நபியவர்களது அதே இலக்குதான் அதனுடைய இலக்காகவும் இருக்கும்.அதிகாரத்துடன் தலைமையை வழங்க இங்கும் ஒரு கிலாபத் அவசியப்படுகிறது.
1928ம் ஆண்டு மார்ச் மாதம்,நபியவர்களது அதே இலக்குடன் அதே வழிமுறையுடன்;காலத்திற்குரிய இயல்புடனும் பாஷையுடனும் ஒரு புனர்நிர்மாணப்பணி ஆரம்பிக்கின்றது.நபியவர்கள் தனது முதல் பணியை ஆரம்பித்தபோது,எவ்வாறு விரல் விட்டு எண்ணக்கூடிய சிலருடன் அதுவும் பெரிய சமூக அந்தஸ்தற்ற மனிதர்களுடன் ஆரம்பித்தார்களோ அதேபோன்று,சில மனிதர்களுடன் பெரிய சமூக அந்தஸ்தற்ற மனிதர்களுடன் அந்தப்புனர் நிர்மாணப்பணி ஆரம்பிக்கின்றது.அதுதான் இன்று பரந்து விரிந்து உலகின் அசைக்கமுடியாத சக்தியாக இருக்கும் அல் இஃவானுல் முஸ்லிமூன் இயக்கமாகும்.
இந்த இயக்கம் ஸூஹைபுர்ரூமி போன்ற பிலால் போன்ற சமூக அந்தஸ்தற்ற ஆறு நபர்களுடன்தான் ஆரம்பித்திருக்கிறது.இமாம் ஹஸனுல் பன்னாவின் உரைகளினால் கவரப்பெற்ற இவர்கள் இமாமவர்களின் வீட்டுக்கு வந்து நீங்கள் குறிப்பிடுவதுப்போன்று பலப்பிரச்சனைகளைக்கொண்ட முஸ்லிம் சமூகத்தின் பிரச்சனைகள் தீர என்ன வழி?நாங்கள் அதற்காக எந்த தியாகத்தையும் செய்ய தயாராக இருக்கிறோம்.ஆனால் என்னச்செய்வது என்பதுதான் தெரியாமல் இருக்கிறது.நீங்கள் எங்களுக்கு வழிக்காட்டுகிறீர்களா?என்றுக்கேட்டார்கள்.அவர்களது உணர்வுகளால் கவரப்பட்ட இமாமவர்கள் அவர்களுக்கு வழிக்காட்டும் பணியை ஆரம்பித்தார்கள்.அன்றே அவர்கள் தமக்கு வைத்துக்கொண்ட பெயர்தான் அல் இஃவானுல் முஸ்லிமூன் என்பது.இந்த நிகழ்வு 1928ம் ஆண்டு மார்ச் மாதத்தில் நடைபெற்றது.
அந்த நிகழ்வுகள் நடந்துமுடிந்து 79 ஆண்டுகள் முடிந்துவிட்டன. இன்று சுமார் 90 நாடுகளில் இந்த தாஃவக்காணப்படுகிறது.இன்னும் 21 வருடங்களில் 2028 ஆகின்றபோது இந்த புனர்நிர்மாணப்பணி அதன் உச்சத்தை அடைந்திருக்கவேண்டும்.அதாவது முழு மனித சமுதாயத்திற்கும் வழிக்காட்டுகின்ற,அதற்குத் தலைமையை வழங்குகின்ற இடத்திற்கு இஸ்லாம் வந்து சேர்ந்திருக்கும்.
இன்னும் 21 வருடங்களில் இது சாத்தியப்படுமா?இன்ஷா அல்லாஹ் நிச்சயம் சாத்தியப்படப்போகிறது.அல்லாஹ்த்தாஅலா அல்குர் ஆனில் கூறுவதைக்கேளுங்கள்:"
“அல்லாஹ்வின் பாதையில் தங்கள் செல்வத்தைச் செலவிடுபவர்களுக்கு உவமையாவது ஒவ்வொரு கதிரிலும் நூறு தானிய மணிகளைக் கொண்ட ஏழு கதிர்களை முளைப்பிக்கும் ஒரு வித்தைப் போன்றது. அல்லாஹ் தான் நாடியவர்களுக்கு (இதை மேலும்) இரட்டிப்பாக்குகின்றான்; இன்னும் அல்லாஹ் விசாலமான (கொடையுடைய)வன்; யாவற்றையும் நன்கறிபவன்.”( அல்குர் ஆன்2:261)
இஸ்லாமிய தாஃவா என்பது,அதனது ஒரு முயற்சி எழு நூறு மடங்கு பரகத் பொருந்தியது.எழு நூறு மடங்கு விளைவைத்தரக்கூடியது.இதுதான் மேற்கூறிய வசனத்தின் பொருள்.சுமார் 90 நாடுகளில் பரவியுள்ள இந்த தஃவாவின் மொத்த அங்கத்தவர்களை எழு நூறு மடங்காக அதிகரித்துப்பார்த்தால் எத்தனை பேர் இருப்பார்கள்?அவர்கள் ஒவ்வொருவரும் இந்த தாவாவுக்காக செலவுச்செய்யும் நாண்யங்களை எழு நூறு மடங்கால் அதிகரித்துப்பார்த்தால் எவ்வளவு தொகை காணப்படப்போகிறது?அவர்கள் ஒவ்வொருவரும் செலவுச்செய்யும் நேரங்கள்,மேற்க்கொள்ளும் முயற்சிகள் அனைத்தும் எழு நூறு மடங்காக எவ்வளவு தொகை காணப்படப்போகிறது?அவர்கள் ஒவ்வொருவரும் செலவுச்செய்யும் நேரங்கள்,மேற்க்கொள்ளும் முயற்சிகள் அனைத்தும் எழு நூறு மடங்காக அதிகரித்துப்பார்த்தோம் எனின், இஸ்லாமிய கிலாபத் தோன்றுவதும் உலகிற்கு தலைமையை வழங்கும் சக்தியாக மாறுவதும் அசாத்தியமான ஒன்றாகத் தோன்றவில்லை.
எவ்வளவு தொகை காணப்படப்போகிறது?அவர்கள் ஒவ்வொருவரும் செலவுச்செய்யும் நேரங்கள்,மேற்க்கொள்ளும் முயற்சிகள் அனைத்தும் எழு நூறு மடங்காக அதிகரித்துப்பார்த்தோம் எனின், இஸ்லாமிய கிலாபத் தோன்றுவதும் உலகிற்கு தலைமையை வழங்கும் சக்தியாக மாறுவதும் அசாத்தியமான ஒன்றாகத் தோன்றவில்லை. எனவே இன்னும் இருபத்தியொரு வருடங்களில் 2028ம் ஆண்டில் உலகிற்கு வழிகாட்டும் சக்தியாக,தலைமையை வழங்கும் சக்தியாக இஸ்லாம் தான் இருக்காபோகிறது.அதற்கான் பணி பலமாகவும் வேகமாகவும் முன்னெடுக்கப்படுகிறது.அன்றைய நாள் அந்த அதிசயத்தை கண்களால் காணும் பாக்கியத்தை அல்லாஹ் எங்களுக்கும் தரவேண்டும் என பிரார்த்திப்போம்.
நன்றி:மீள்ப்பார்வை ஏப்ரல் 2007.
இஃவான்கள் இலக்கை அடைவார்களா?
நபியவர்கள் கூறினார்கள்"அல்லாஹுத்தாலா ஒவ்வொரு நூற்றாண்டின் ஆரம்பத்திலும் இந்த மார்க்கத்தை புனர்நிர்மாணம் செய்கின்ற ஒருவரை அனுப்பிவைக்கிறான்"(அபூதாவூத்)
புனர் நிர்மாணம் என்றால் என்ன? என்பதற்கு ஆரம்பகால அறிஞர்கள் விளக்கம் தருகின்றபோது,மார்க்கத்தில் புதிதாக நுழைந்த நூதனங்கள் அகற்றப்படுதல்,மார்ர்க்கத்தில் மறக்கப்பட்ட அல்லது இல்லாது செய்யப்பட்டவற்றை மீண்டும் கொண்டுவருதல் போன்ற விளக்கங்களை அளித்துள்ளனர்.(பத்ஹுல் பாரி).அது போன்றே நவீன கால அறிஞர்கள் இதர்கு விளக்கம் அளிக்கின்றபோது,மார்க்கத்தை குறித்து காலத்தின் பண்புகளுக்கு ஏற்ப விளங்கி நடைமுறைப்படுத்தல் என்றனர்.
இந்த இரண்டு விளக்கங்களும் ஒன்றையொன்று முழுமைப்படுத்துவதாகவே காணப்படுகின்றன.அந்த வகையில் புனர்நிர்மாணம் என்பது இஸ்லாம்ப்பற்றிய புரிதல் அதன் மூலமாக அல்குர் ஆன் சுன்னாவிற்கு மீளல்.அதாவது எந்தக்கலப்புமின்றி குர் ஆன் சுன்னாவிலிருந்து தூயவடிவில் இஸ்லாத்தை விளங்கி அதனை நாம் வாழ்கின்ற காலத்தின் பாஷையில்,வடிவத்தில், இயல்பில் நடைமுறைப்படுத்தல் எனப்பொருள்படும்.
அந்தவகையில் புனர்நிர்மாணம் என்பது நபியவர்களது தாஃவா இந்த உலகில் எதை சாதிக்க நினைத்ததுவோ அல்லது சாதித்ததுவோ அதனை மீண்டும் இந்த உலகில் சாதித்துக்காட்டுவதுதான் புனர்நிர்மாணமாகும். நபியவர்களது தாஃவா, இஸ்லாத்திற்கான முதல் நிர்மாணம் அதனை புனர்நிர்மாணம் செய்வதென்பது அதே பணியை மீண்டும் மேற்க்கொண்டு அதே இலக்கை அடைதல் என்பதாகும்.நபியவர்களது தாஃவாவின் இலக்கு என்ன? முழு மனித சமுதாயத்திற்கும் வழிக்காட்டுதல்,அவர்களுக்கு தலைமையை வழங்குதல்,இந்த முழு உலகமும் இஸ்லாத்தின் வழிக்காட்டுதலில் இயங்கவேண்டும் என்பதே.இதுதான் நபியவர்களது பணி. இதைத்தான் அல்குர் ஆன் இவ்வாறுக்குறிப்பிடுகிறது
“இன்னும் நீங்கள் அல்லாஹ்வின் பாதையில் அவனுக்காக போராட வேண்டிய முறைப்படி போராடுங்கள்; அவன் உங்களைத் தேர்ந்தெடுத்துக் கொண்டான்; இந்த தீனில் (மார்க்கத்தில்) அவன் உங்களுக்கு எந்த சிரமத்தையும் ஏற்படுத்தவில்லை இது தான் உங்கள் பிதாவாகிய இப்றாஹீமுடைய மார்க்கமாகும்; அவன்தாம் இதற்கு முன்னர் உங்களுக்கு முஸ்லிம்கள் எனப் பெயரிட்டான். இ(வ்வேதத்)திலும் (அவ்வாறே கூறப் பெற்றுள்ளது); இதற்கு நம்முடைய இத்தூதர் உங்களுக்குச் சாட்சியாக இருக்கிறார்; எனவே நீங்கள் தொழுகையை நிலை நிறுத்துங்கள் இன்னும் ஜகாத்தைக் கொடுத்து வாருங்கள், அல்லாஹ்வைப் பற்றிக் கொள்ளுங்கள், அவன்தான் உங்கள் பாதுகாவலன்;.பாதுகாவலர்களிலெல்லாம் அவனே மிக்க நல்லவன், மிகச் சிறந்த உதவியாளன்.”( அல்குர் ஆன்22:78)
நபியவர்கள் முஸ்லிம் சமூகத்தின் தலைமை.முஸ்லிம்கள் மனித சமூகத்தின் தலைமை.அதற்காகத்தான் அல்லாஹ் முஸ்லிம்களைத்தேர்வுச்செய்தான் என்கிறது இந்த அல்குர் ஆன் வசனம்.
உலகிற்கு வழிகாட்டி தலைமையை வழங்கும் இந்தப்பணிக்காகத்தான் கிலாபத் அவசியப்பட்டது.தலைமையை வழங்கும் அதிகார மிக்க இடம்தான் கிலாபத்.ந்பியவர்களின் முதல் நிர்மாணம் இந்த இலக்கை அடைந்தது.பின்னர் நீண்ட காலம் உலகிற்கு வழிக்காட்டித்தலைமையை வழங்கியது.ஆனால் 1924ம் ஆண்டுடன் அது சரிந்து வீழ்ந்தது.
இப்பொழுது புனர்நிர்மாணம் ஒன்று அவசியப்படுகிறது.அதன் இலக்கு என்ன? நபியவர்களது அதே இலக்குதான் அதனுடைய இலக்காகவும் இருக்கும்.அதிகாரத்துடன் தலைமையை வழங்க இங்கும் ஒரு கிலாபத் அவசியப்படுகிறது.
1928ம் ஆண்டு மார்ச் மாதம்,நபியவர்களது அதே இலக்குடன் அதே வழிமுறையுடன்;காலத்திற்குரிய இயல்புடனும் பாஷையுடனும் ஒரு புனர்நிர்மாணப்பணி ஆரம்பிக்கின்றது.நபியவர்கள் தனது முதல் பணியை ஆரம்பித்தபோது,எவ்வாறு விரல் விட்டு எண்ணக்கூடிய சிலருடன் அதுவும் பெரிய சமூக அந்தஸ்தற்ற மனிதர்களுடன் ஆரம்பித்தார்களோ அதேபோன்று,சில மனிதர்களுடன் பெரிய சமூக அந்தஸ்தற்ற மனிதர்களுடன் அந்தப்புனர் நிர்மாணப்பணி ஆரம்பிக்கின்றது.அதுதான் இன்று பரந்து விரிந்து உலகின் அசைக்கமுடியாத சக்தியாக இருக்கும் அல் இஃவானுல் முஸ்லிமூன் இயக்கமாகும்.
இந்த இயக்கம் ஸூஹைபுர்ரூமி போன்ற பிலால் போன்ற சமூக அந்தஸ்தற்ற ஆறு நபர்களுடன்தான் ஆரம்பித்திருக்கிறது.இமாம் ஹஸனுல் பன்னாவின் உரைகளினால் கவரப்பெற்ற இவர்கள் இமாமவர்களின் வீட்டுக்கு வந்து நீங்கள் குறிப்பிடுவதுப்போன்று பலப்பிரச்சனைகளைக்கொண்ட முஸ்லிம் சமூகத்தின் பிரச்சனைகள் தீர என்ன வழி?நாங்கள் அதற்காக எந்த தியாகத்தையும் செய்ய தயாராக இருக்கிறோம்.ஆனால் என்னச்செய்வது என்பதுதான் தெரியாமல் இருக்கிறது.நீங்கள் எங்களுக்கு வழிக்காட்டுகிறீர்களா?என்றுக்கேட்டார்கள்.அவர்களது உணர்வுகளால் கவரப்பட்ட இமாமவர்கள் அவர்களுக்கு வழிக்காட்டும் பணியை ஆரம்பித்தார்கள்.அன்றே அவர்கள் தமக்கு வைத்துக்கொண்ட பெயர்தான் அல் இஃவானுல் முஸ்லிமூன் என்பது.இந்த நிகழ்வு 1928ம் ஆண்டு மார்ச் மாதத்தில் நடைபெற்றது.
அந்த நிகழ்வுகள் நடந்துமுடிந்து 79 ஆண்டுகள் முடிந்துவிட்டன. இன்று சுமார் 90 நாடுகளில் இந்த தாஃவக்காணப்படுகிறது.இன்னும் 21 வருடங்களில் 2028 ஆகின்றபோது இந்த புனர்நிர்மாணப்பணி அதன் உச்சத்தை அடைந்திருக்கவேண்டும்.அதாவது முழு மனித சமுதாயத்திற்கும் வழிக்காட்டுகின்ற,அதற்குத் தலைமையை வழங்குகின்ற இடத்திற்கு இஸ்லாம் வந்து சேர்ந்திருக்கும்.
இன்னும் 21 வருடங்களில் இது சாத்தியப்படுமா?இன்ஷா அல்லாஹ் நிச்சயம் சாத்தியப்படப்போகிறது.அல்லாஹ்த்தாஅலா அல்குர் ஆனில் கூறுவதைக்கேளுங்கள்:"
“அல்லாஹ்வின் பாதையில் தங்கள் செல்வத்தைச் செலவிடுபவர்களுக்கு உவமையாவது ஒவ்வொரு கதிரிலும் நூறு தானிய மணிகளைக் கொண்ட ஏழு கதிர்களை முளைப்பிக்கும் ஒரு வித்தைப் போன்றது. அல்லாஹ் தான் நாடியவர்களுக்கு (இதை மேலும்) இரட்டிப்பாக்குகின்றான்; இன்னும் அல்லாஹ் விசாலமான (கொடையுடைய)வன்; யாவற்றையும் நன்கறிபவன்.”( அல்குர் ஆன்2:261)
இஸ்லாமிய தாஃவா என்பது,அதனது ஒரு முயற்சி எழு நூறு மடங்கு பரகத் பொருந்தியது.எழு நூறு மடங்கு விளைவைத்தரக்கூடியது.இதுதான் மேற்கூறிய வசனத்தின் பொருள்.சுமார் 90 நாடுகளில் பரவியுள்ள இந்த தஃவாவின் மொத்த அங்கத்தவர்களை எழு நூறு மடங்காக அதிகரித்துப்பார்த்தால் எத்தனை பேர் இருப்பார்கள்?அவர்கள் ஒவ்வொருவரும் இந்த தாவாவுக்காக செலவுச்செய்யும் நாண்யங்களை எழு நூறு மடங்கால் அதிகரித்துப்பார்த்தால் எவ்வளவு தொகை காணப்படப்போகிறது?அவர்கள் ஒவ்வொருவரும் செலவுச்செய்யும் நேரங்கள்,மேற்க்கொள்ளும் முயற்சிகள் அனைத்தும் எழு நூறு மடங்காக எவ்வளவு தொகை காணப்படப்போகிறது?அவர்கள் ஒவ்வொருவரும் செலவுச்செய்யும் நேரங்கள்,மேற்க்கொள்ளும் முயற்சிகள் அனைத்தும் எழு நூறு மடங்காக அதிகரித்துப்பார்த்தோம் எனின், இஸ்லாமிய கிலாபத் தோன்றுவதும் உலகிற்கு தலைமையை வழங்கும் சக்தியாக மாறுவதும் அசாத்தியமான ஒன்றாகத் தோன்றவில்லை.
எவ்வளவு தொகை காணப்படப்போகிறது?அவர்கள் ஒவ்வொருவரும் செலவுச்செய்யும் நேரங்கள்,மேற்க்கொள்ளும் முயற்சிகள் அனைத்தும் எழு நூறு மடங்காக அதிகரித்துப்பார்த்தோம் எனின், இஸ்லாமிய கிலாபத் தோன்றுவதும் உலகிற்கு தலைமையை வழங்கும் சக்தியாக மாறுவதும் அசாத்தியமான ஒன்றாகத் தோன்றவில்லை. எனவே இன்னும் இருபத்தியொரு வருடங்களில் 2028ம் ஆண்டில் உலகிற்கு வழிகாட்டும் சக்தியாக,தலைமையை வழங்கும் சக்தியாக இஸ்லாம் தான் இருக்காபோகிறது.அதற்கான் பணி பலமாகவும் வேகமாகவும் முன்னெடுக்கப்படுகிறது.அன்றைய நாள் அந்த அதிசயத்தை கண்களால் காணும் பாக்கியத்தை அல்லாஹ் எங்களுக்கும் தரவேண்டும் என பிரார்த்திப்போம்.
நன்றி:மீள்ப்பார்வை ஏப்ரல் 2007.
Saturday, June 02, 2007
GREAT PEOPLE OF ISLAMIC REVIVAL
BISMILLAHIRRAHUMANIRRAHEEM
Hasan Al-Banna
Hasan Al-Banna
Guilain Denoelcxhttp://www.americanmuslim.org/1biography1.html
Hasan al-Banna was the founder of the Muslim Brotherhood or Society of the Muslim Brothers, the largest and most influential Sunni revivalist organization in the 20th century. Created in Egypt in 1928, the Muslim Brotherhood became the first mass-based, overtly political movement to oppose the ascendancy of secular and Western ideas in the Middle East. The brotherhood saw in these ideas the root of the decay of Islamic societies in the modern world, and advocated a return to Islam as a solution to the ills that had befallen Muslim societies. Al-Banna's leadership was critical to the spectacular growth of the brotherhood during the 1930s and 1940s. By the early 1950s, branches had been established in Syria, Sudan, and Jordan. Soon, the movement's influence would be felt in places as far away as the Gulf and non-Arab countries such as Iran, Pakistan, Indonesia, and Malaysia. Driving this expansion was the appeal of the organizational model embodied in the original, Egypt-based section of the brotherhood, and the success of al-Banna's writings. Translated into several languages, these writings have shaped two generations of Sunni religious activists across the Islamic world.
Like many of the Islamic leaders who followed in his footsteps, Al-Banna enjoyed the benefits of a modern education, but had been raised in a traditional Islamic environment. He was born in 1906 in Mahmudiyya, a small town in the Nile Delta. His father, a watch repairman who also served as prayer leader and Qur'anic teacher in the local mosque, had been educated at Al-Azhar. Author of a few works on Islamic jurisprudence, he instilled strong religious values into Al-Banna. Even as a primary school student, Al-Banna joined several religious societies dedicated to the promotion of Islamic standards of moral behavior. It was also at that young age that he became a member of the Hasafiyya Brothers' Sufi order. His early participation in dhikr circles and avid reading of Sufi literature help explain why he always saw the moral reform of the individual as a precondition to the Islamization of society.
In 1923, at the age of 16, Al-Banna moved to Cairo to enter the famous Dar al-'Ulum college. The four years that Al-Banna spent in Cairo exposed him to the political ferment of the Egyptian capital in the early 1920s, and enhanced his awareness of the extent to which secular and Western ways had penetrated the very fabric of society. It was then that Al-Banna became particularly preoccupied with what he saw as the young generation's drift away from Islam. He believed that the battle for the hearts and minds of the youth would prove critical to the survival of a religion besieged by a Western onslaught. While studying in Cairo, he immersed himself in the writings of the founders of Islamic reformism (the Salafiyya movement), including the Egyptian Muhammad 'Abduh (1849-1905), under whom his father had studied while at Al-Azhar. But it was 'Abduh's disciple, the Syrian Rashid Rida (1865-1935), who most influenced Al-Banna. Al-Banna was a dedicated reader of Al-Manar, the magazine that Rida published in Cairo from 1898 until his death in 1935. He shared Rida's central concern with the decline of Islamic civilization relative to the West. He too believed that this trend could be reversed only by returning to an unadulterated form of Islam, free from all the accretions that had diluted the strength of its original message. Like Rida at the end of his life — but unlike 'Abduh and other Islamic modernists — Al-Banna felt that the main danger to Islam's survival in the modern age stemmed less from the conservatism of Al-Azhar and the ulama (which he nevertheless criticized) than from the ascendancy of Western secular ideas.
Al-Banna urged the rejection of all Western notions, emphasizing instead the need to return to the foundations and original purity of Islam. Indeed, through the organizational skills he would soon demonstrate, Al-Banna did more than any other thinker during that time to contribute to the eclipse of Islamic refornism and modernism by Islamic fundamentalism. Upon graduating from Dar al-'Ulum in 1927, at the age of 21, Al-Banna was appointed as a teacher of Arabic in a primary school in Isma'iliyya. At the time, Isma'iliyya served as the capital of the British-occupied Canal Zone and hosted the headquarters of the Suez Canal Company (SCC). British military camps and the homes of the SCC's foreign employees were as much a part of this rapidly expanding new town as the wretched conditions in which the majority of the SCC's Egyptian workers lived. Al-Banna's first assignment thus heightened his resentment of what he saw as Egypt's military occupation, economic exploitation, cultural domination, and loss of dignity. It strengthened his determination to rid Egypt of British and, more generally, Western influences.From the moment he arrived in Isma'iliyya, Al-Banna involved himself actively in the life of the community. He made an effort to become acquainted with the town's notables while reaching out to the broadest possible public. He conducted night classes for his students' parents and led informal discussions in the mosque, coffeehouses, clubs, and private homes. His basic message was that Egypt had lost its soul; it had become politically sub-servient and economically dependent because it had strayed from the path that had been laid down by God. The only remedy to the decadence of state and society was to reassert Islamic values and ways of life.
It was to spread this message that Al-Banna launched the Society of the Muslim Brothers in March 1928. At first, the society was only one of the numerous small Islamic associations that existed at the time. Similar to those that Al-Banna himself had joined since he was 12, these associations aimed to promote personal piety and engaged in charitable activities. By the late 1930s, it had established branches in every Egyptian province. A decade later, it had 500,000 active members and as many sympathizers in Egypt alone, while its appeal was now felt in several other countries as well. The society's growth was particularly pronounced after Al-Banna relocated its headquarters to Cairo in 1932. The single most important factor that made this dramatic expansion possible was the organizational and ideological leadership provided by Al-Banna.
He endeavored to bring about the changes he hoped for through institution-building, relentless activism at the grassroots level, and a reliance on mass communication. He proceeded to build a complex mass movement that featured sophisticated governance structures; sections in charge of furthering the society's values among peasants, workers, and professionals; units entrusted with key functions, including propagation of the message, liaison with the Islamic world, and press and translation; and specialized committees for finances and legal affairs.
In anchoring this organization into Egyptian society, Al-Banna skillfully relied on pre-existing social networks, in particular those built around mosques, Islamic welfare associations, and neighborhood groups. This weaving of traditional ties into a distinctively modern structure was at the root of his success. Directly attached to the brotherhood, and feeding its expansion, were numerous businesses, clinics, and schools. In addition, members were affiliated to the movement through a series of cells, revealingly called usar (families). The material, social and psychological support thus provided were instrumental to the movement's ability to generate enormous loyalty among its members and to attract new recruits. The services and organizational structure around which the society was built were intended to enable individuals to reintegrate into a distinctly Islamic setting, shaped by the society's own principles.
Rooted in Islam, Al-Banna's message tackled issues including colonialism, public health, educational policy, natural resources management, Marxism, social inequalities, Arab nationalism, the weakness of the Islamic world on the international scene, and the growing conflict in Palestine. By emphasizing concerns that appealed to a variety of constituencies, Al-Banna was able to recruit from among a cross-section of Egyptian society — though modern-educated civil servants, office employees, and professionals remained dominant among the organization's activists and decisionmakers.
As the society expanded during the 1930s, it quickly changed from a movement for spiritual and moral reform into an organization directly active on the Egyptian political scene. Concurrent with that transformation, radical tendencies asserted themselves within the organization. A "secret apparatus" (al-jihaz al-sirri) was formed that engineered a series of assassinations of enemies of the brotherhood.
Between 1948 and 1949, shortly after the society sent volunteers to fight in the war in Palestine, the conflict between the monarchy and the society reached its climax. Concerned with the increasing assertiveness and popularity of the brotherhood, as well as with rumors that it was plotting a coup, Prime Minister Nuqrashi Pasha disbanded it in December 1948. The organization's assets were impounded and scores of its members sent to jail. Less than three weeks later, the prime minister was assassinated by a member of the brotherhood. This in turn prompted the murder of Al-Banna, presumably by a government agent, in February 1949, when Al-Banna was still only 43 and at the height of his career.
Though the society never fully recovered from the loss of its charismatic founder, it survived. Since then, the brotherhood has remained a significant force in the politics of several Arab countries, either directly or through the movements it inspired. It appeals most to cultural conservatives who want their government and society to reflect and defend certain basic Islamic values and principles, and who favor a pragmatic and incremental approach to achieve these goals. The legacy of Al-Banna is thus still present, and will continue to shape the destiny of Arab societies in the new millennium.
Monday, April 23, 2007
THE GREAT PEOPLE OF ISLAMIC REVIVAL-ALIJA IZETBEGOVIC
BISMILLAHIRRAHUMANIRRAHEEM
Alija Izetbegovic
Copyright: http://www.iviews.comPublished Wednesday June 14, 2000By Ismail Royer
"Our goal: the Islamization of Muslims. Our methods: to believe and to struggle."—Alija Izetbegovic, "Islamic Declaration," 1970
"O' Alija, O' honored! You drive America crazy!" –Line from Arabic poetry sung by foreign mujahideen during Bosnian war
Last week, Alija Izetbegovic announced his decision to step down as president of Bosnia. The man Bosnians affectionately call "Deedo," or Grandpa, will leave office in October. In a speech announcing his resignation, Izetbegovic cited health problems as the main reason for his decision—but tellingly, he added, "The international community is pushing things forward in Bosnia...but it is doing it at expense of the Muslim people. I feel it as an injustice," he said. "These are the things that I cannot live with."
Izetbegovic's resignation is an event upon which Muslims around the world should reflect. He is one of the few Muslim political leaders of our time who demonstrates real love for Islam, and his career contains lessons in the way the West views Muslims in Europe and deals with Islamic movements in power.
"Do we want the Muslim people to leave their going-around-in-circles, their dependence, backwardness, and poverty?" Izetbegovic once wrote, "Then we show clearly which path will take us to that goal: establishing Islam in every field in the personal life of the individual, in family and society…and the establishment of a unique Islamic community from Morocco to Indonesia."
For Izetbegovic, these were not just words; they were a plan of action that he acted upon his entire life.
In 1940, at the age of 16 he co-founded the Young Muslims, a religious and political group modeled on Egypt's Ikhwan al-Muslimeen. Six years later he and his friend Nedzib Sacirbey were jailed by the communist government of Yugoslavia for helping publish the journal "Mujahid." After their release, the Communists again cracked down on the young Muslims and in 1949 sentenced four members to death and jailed many more for their Islamic activism. In 1983 Izetbegovic was arrested again for disseminating "Islamic propaganda" and sentenced to 14 years in prison and was released in 1988.
It would seem unthinkable that such a man would ever become president of a European country. But in 1990, Izetbegovic was elected president of Bosnia and Herzegovina on the eve of that country's descent into a David-and-Goliath war with Yugoslavia and Croatia. Instead of packing up his family and fleeing his country as it was overrun, as the leaders of one Persian Gulf nation recently did, he stayed to lead his people throughout the war from his sandbagged office and his modest apartment. In doing so, he became for the world the face of the Bosnian people's struggle for survival in the face of genocide.
Izetbegovic led an army that managed to beat back vastly superior Croatian and Serbian forces. But he leaves another crucial legacy: for Bosnians, he took the shame out of being a Muslim. In Yugoslavia, regular visits to the mosque meant being snubbed for jobs in the Communist Party-controlled economy. Islam was demonized in history books, and practicing Muslim students could expect vastly lower grades regardless of how much they studied. Even the Arabic and Turkish words and expressions that enrich the Bosnian language were systematically removed and derided as "uncultured."
But "Alija Izetbegovic succeeded in organizing Muslims as a nation in Bosnia," Dr. Zuhdija Adilovic, a professor at the Islamic Pedagogic Academy in Zenica, told iviews.com in an interview. "This was the first time that Muslims had come to power in Bosnia."
With that power, the president embarked on a policy of reaffirmation of Bosnians' cultural identity. Today, children study their religion in public schools. Government employees, businessmen, soldiers, and university students can openly practice Islam with a sense of dignity. A worshipper in one of Sarajevo's packed mosques today might find a street sweeper praying on his left side and the city's mayor praying on his right.
Izetbegovic's unapologetic approach to his religion and his political power made the West uneasy. Amid warnings of a "fundamentalists Islamic state" in Europe, America and the EU stood by for three years facilitating the genocide of the Bosnian Muslim people. In 1995, when Islamic brigades of the Bosnian army launched a massive assault on Serb forces and seized thirty percent of Serb-controlled territory in a few days, it dawned on the West that Muslims might actually be victorious. America and Europe suddenly demanded peace.
A "peace plan" drawn up and imposed by the United States and enforced by NATO military occupation rewarded Serbs with their own state on half of Bosnia's territory, while Croats received another twenty-five percent. The US plan left Muslims, which make up approximately half of Bosnia's population, quarantined and landlocked on one quarter of their country.
The US peace plan imposed a system of government on Bosnia that guarantees perpetual economic and political stagnation and weakens Muslim political power. Serbs, Muslims, and Croats each have an equal voice in a three-member "presidency" in Bosnia, even though Muslims make up the majority of the population. If the country were a "real" democracy, with each citizen having an equal voice, Bosnia would be virtually guaranteed Muslim leadership by virtue of demographic. And under the current system, the government only takes action by consensus. With Serbs and Croats determined to undermine Muslims at every step, consensus never occurs, and in practice, the real power in Bosnia is wielded by the European Union.
Iviews.com asked Nedzib Sacirbey, Bosnia's ambassador-at-large and Izetbegovic's friend and cellmate from his youth, what Izetbegovic meant when he said, "the international community is pushing things forward in Bosnia...at expense of the Muslim people."
"The number one obstacle is that the international community did not use its power to return refugees, which would create a multi-ethnic society," Sacirbey said. "And for example, in Banja Luka, the Serbs leveled all mosques, but now 5 years after the war, there is still no permission to build one single mosque. It is the same in Croatian part."
The European Union's failure to return Muslim refugees to their homes in occupied areas of Bosnia enforces the war's ethnic cleansing. Meanwhile, for the most part, Serbs and Croats travel to and live in Muslim areas freely. On a recent trip to Mostar, a city divided in half with Muslim and Croat areas, iviews.com spoke to residents on both sides of the fault-line. Asked whether she would feel afraid to travel to the Muslim side, a Croat woman said, "No, I go there all the time to shop and visit my daughter." On the other hand, several Croats said they did not want Muslims on their side, and many Muslims said they faced harassment and threats of violence whenever they crossed the river separating the two communities.
The United States and the EU do, however, use their power to actively undermine Izetbegovic and his Party for Democratic Action (SDA) and to promote the former Communist Party of Bosnia, which was renamed the Social Democrat Party (SDP). Fed up with a lack of economic progress, a large number of Bosnian Muslim voters shifted support to the neo-communists in the most recent elections. The fact that the US State Department provided SDP with crucial logistic support for its campaigns didn't hurt either.
At the same time, Wolfgang Petritsch, the head of the European Union's civil authority in Bosnia, urged voters to dump "the leaders from the war," of which Izetbegovic is the only one remaining. And the EU ran advertisements on the television network it operates urging viewers to vote for "change"—in other words, change the leadership of the communist opposition.
With characteristic doublespeak, the, US State Department describes the result of its efforts as a victory for "political pluralism…at the expense of the ruling national parties." Sacirbey, as would most rational observers, calls it interference in the democratic process. "We expect them to say, 'Use your voting rights, vote for the best candidate,' not, 'Vote for or against so and so'," said Sacirbey.
Muslims have plenty to worry about with regard to the SDP. At an outdoor rally in Tuzla two months ago, SDP members feasted on barbecued pork chops to demonstrate their "secularism." They have announced their intention to rename the main road in the Muslim stronghold of Zenica, after Yugoslavia's communist dictator. Additionally, a group of party activists reportedly hurled stones at a mosque recently.
So many of the problems of the Islamic world that we typically blame on others are fundamentally the fault of Muslims, but not so in Bosnia. In the face of this internationally organized quagmire designed to paralyze and underdevelop Muslim progress in Bosnia, Alija Izetbegovic decided he didn't have the strength to continue. "Somebody must come who can deal with such problems," he said.
The tragedy of Bosnia is not only that 350,000 men, women, and children died because their neighbors hated them for their religion, or that thousands of women were raped, or that hundreds of mosques were razed. What does it say about our civilization, that politicians in Europe and America had the power to intervene, but chose not to? It suggests not only that for the West, the lives of Muslims are not worth the trouble. The failure to stop the ethnic cleansing of Bosnian Muslims, along with the behavior of the West in post-war Bosnia, suggests that genocide will be tolerated for the sake of a political goal; in this case, the prevention of a European Muslim state. The lesson for Muslims deluded by our era's lofty talk of "democracy" is that for America and Europe, the stated goal of "promoting democracy" will be overridden by their pathological fear of Islam.
But in the face of the tragedy of genocide and betrayal by the West, Izetbegovic triumphed. He led Bosnia to freedom from Yugoslavia as an independent, sovereign state. He raised an army to defend his people. He led the renaissance of Islam in Bosnia, while protecting the rights of Christians in the areas under his control. For this, we should thank him, and wish him well.
Alija Izetbegovic
Copyright: http://www.iviews.comPublished Wednesday June 14, 2000By Ismail Royer
"Our goal: the Islamization of Muslims. Our methods: to believe and to struggle."—Alija Izetbegovic, "Islamic Declaration," 1970
"O' Alija, O' honored! You drive America crazy!" –Line from Arabic poetry sung by foreign mujahideen during Bosnian war
Last week, Alija Izetbegovic announced his decision to step down as president of Bosnia. The man Bosnians affectionately call "Deedo," or Grandpa, will leave office in October. In a speech announcing his resignation, Izetbegovic cited health problems as the main reason for his decision—but tellingly, he added, "The international community is pushing things forward in Bosnia...but it is doing it at expense of the Muslim people. I feel it as an injustice," he said. "These are the things that I cannot live with."
Izetbegovic's resignation is an event upon which Muslims around the world should reflect. He is one of the few Muslim political leaders of our time who demonstrates real love for Islam, and his career contains lessons in the way the West views Muslims in Europe and deals with Islamic movements in power.
"Do we want the Muslim people to leave their going-around-in-circles, their dependence, backwardness, and poverty?" Izetbegovic once wrote, "Then we show clearly which path will take us to that goal: establishing Islam in every field in the personal life of the individual, in family and society…and the establishment of a unique Islamic community from Morocco to Indonesia."
For Izetbegovic, these were not just words; they were a plan of action that he acted upon his entire life.
In 1940, at the age of 16 he co-founded the Young Muslims, a religious and political group modeled on Egypt's Ikhwan al-Muslimeen. Six years later he and his friend Nedzib Sacirbey were jailed by the communist government of Yugoslavia for helping publish the journal "Mujahid." After their release, the Communists again cracked down on the young Muslims and in 1949 sentenced four members to death and jailed many more for their Islamic activism. In 1983 Izetbegovic was arrested again for disseminating "Islamic propaganda" and sentenced to 14 years in prison and was released in 1988.
It would seem unthinkable that such a man would ever become president of a European country. But in 1990, Izetbegovic was elected president of Bosnia and Herzegovina on the eve of that country's descent into a David-and-Goliath war with Yugoslavia and Croatia. Instead of packing up his family and fleeing his country as it was overrun, as the leaders of one Persian Gulf nation recently did, he stayed to lead his people throughout the war from his sandbagged office and his modest apartment. In doing so, he became for the world the face of the Bosnian people's struggle for survival in the face of genocide.
Izetbegovic led an army that managed to beat back vastly superior Croatian and Serbian forces. But he leaves another crucial legacy: for Bosnians, he took the shame out of being a Muslim. In Yugoslavia, regular visits to the mosque meant being snubbed for jobs in the Communist Party-controlled economy. Islam was demonized in history books, and practicing Muslim students could expect vastly lower grades regardless of how much they studied. Even the Arabic and Turkish words and expressions that enrich the Bosnian language were systematically removed and derided as "uncultured."
But "Alija Izetbegovic succeeded in organizing Muslims as a nation in Bosnia," Dr. Zuhdija Adilovic, a professor at the Islamic Pedagogic Academy in Zenica, told iviews.com in an interview. "This was the first time that Muslims had come to power in Bosnia."
With that power, the president embarked on a policy of reaffirmation of Bosnians' cultural identity. Today, children study their religion in public schools. Government employees, businessmen, soldiers, and university students can openly practice Islam with a sense of dignity. A worshipper in one of Sarajevo's packed mosques today might find a street sweeper praying on his left side and the city's mayor praying on his right.
Izetbegovic's unapologetic approach to his religion and his political power made the West uneasy. Amid warnings of a "fundamentalists Islamic state" in Europe, America and the EU stood by for three years facilitating the genocide of the Bosnian Muslim people. In 1995, when Islamic brigades of the Bosnian army launched a massive assault on Serb forces and seized thirty percent of Serb-controlled territory in a few days, it dawned on the West that Muslims might actually be victorious. America and Europe suddenly demanded peace.
A "peace plan" drawn up and imposed by the United States and enforced by NATO military occupation rewarded Serbs with their own state on half of Bosnia's territory, while Croats received another twenty-five percent. The US plan left Muslims, which make up approximately half of Bosnia's population, quarantined and landlocked on one quarter of their country.
The US peace plan imposed a system of government on Bosnia that guarantees perpetual economic and political stagnation and weakens Muslim political power. Serbs, Muslims, and Croats each have an equal voice in a three-member "presidency" in Bosnia, even though Muslims make up the majority of the population. If the country were a "real" democracy, with each citizen having an equal voice, Bosnia would be virtually guaranteed Muslim leadership by virtue of demographic. And under the current system, the government only takes action by consensus. With Serbs and Croats determined to undermine Muslims at every step, consensus never occurs, and in practice, the real power in Bosnia is wielded by the European Union.
Iviews.com asked Nedzib Sacirbey, Bosnia's ambassador-at-large and Izetbegovic's friend and cellmate from his youth, what Izetbegovic meant when he said, "the international community is pushing things forward in Bosnia...at expense of the Muslim people."
"The number one obstacle is that the international community did not use its power to return refugees, which would create a multi-ethnic society," Sacirbey said. "And for example, in Banja Luka, the Serbs leveled all mosques, but now 5 years after the war, there is still no permission to build one single mosque. It is the same in Croatian part."
The European Union's failure to return Muslim refugees to their homes in occupied areas of Bosnia enforces the war's ethnic cleansing. Meanwhile, for the most part, Serbs and Croats travel to and live in Muslim areas freely. On a recent trip to Mostar, a city divided in half with Muslim and Croat areas, iviews.com spoke to residents on both sides of the fault-line. Asked whether she would feel afraid to travel to the Muslim side, a Croat woman said, "No, I go there all the time to shop and visit my daughter." On the other hand, several Croats said they did not want Muslims on their side, and many Muslims said they faced harassment and threats of violence whenever they crossed the river separating the two communities.
The United States and the EU do, however, use their power to actively undermine Izetbegovic and his Party for Democratic Action (SDA) and to promote the former Communist Party of Bosnia, which was renamed the Social Democrat Party (SDP). Fed up with a lack of economic progress, a large number of Bosnian Muslim voters shifted support to the neo-communists in the most recent elections. The fact that the US State Department provided SDP with crucial logistic support for its campaigns didn't hurt either.
At the same time, Wolfgang Petritsch, the head of the European Union's civil authority in Bosnia, urged voters to dump "the leaders from the war," of which Izetbegovic is the only one remaining. And the EU ran advertisements on the television network it operates urging viewers to vote for "change"—in other words, change the leadership of the communist opposition.
With characteristic doublespeak, the, US State Department describes the result of its efforts as a victory for "political pluralism…at the expense of the ruling national parties." Sacirbey, as would most rational observers, calls it interference in the democratic process. "We expect them to say, 'Use your voting rights, vote for the best candidate,' not, 'Vote for or against so and so'," said Sacirbey.
Muslims have plenty to worry about with regard to the SDP. At an outdoor rally in Tuzla two months ago, SDP members feasted on barbecued pork chops to demonstrate their "secularism." They have announced their intention to rename the main road in the Muslim stronghold of Zenica, after Yugoslavia's communist dictator. Additionally, a group of party activists reportedly hurled stones at a mosque recently.
So many of the problems of the Islamic world that we typically blame on others are fundamentally the fault of Muslims, but not so in Bosnia. In the face of this internationally organized quagmire designed to paralyze and underdevelop Muslim progress in Bosnia, Alija Izetbegovic decided he didn't have the strength to continue. "Somebody must come who can deal with such problems," he said.
The tragedy of Bosnia is not only that 350,000 men, women, and children died because their neighbors hated them for their religion, or that thousands of women were raped, or that hundreds of mosques were razed. What does it say about our civilization, that politicians in Europe and America had the power to intervene, but chose not to? It suggests not only that for the West, the lives of Muslims are not worth the trouble. The failure to stop the ethnic cleansing of Bosnian Muslims, along with the behavior of the West in post-war Bosnia, suggests that genocide will be tolerated for the sake of a political goal; in this case, the prevention of a European Muslim state. The lesson for Muslims deluded by our era's lofty talk of "democracy" is that for America and Europe, the stated goal of "promoting democracy" will be overridden by their pathological fear of Islam.
But in the face of the tragedy of genocide and betrayal by the West, Izetbegovic triumphed. He led Bosnia to freedom from Yugoslavia as an independent, sovereign state. He raised an army to defend his people. He led the renaissance of Islam in Bosnia, while protecting the rights of Christians in the areas under his control. For this, we should thank him, and wish him well.
Tuesday, April 17, 2007
THE GREAT PEOPLE OF ISLAMIC REVIVAL-SYED ABUL HASAN ALI NADVI
Bismillahirrahumanirraheem
Syed Abul Hasan Ali Nadvi
Examplar of IslamicLiving, Exponent of Islam, Defender of Islamic Identity (1914 – 31 December, 1999)
During the twentieth century, Muslim India has produced great Islamic theologians,interpreters of the Quran, scholars of Hadith, Islamic jurists, historians, propagators of the faith, social reformers and educationists, but one cannotname another Islamic scholar whose concerns covered the entire spectrum of the collective existence of the Muslim Indians as a living community in thenational and international context, who, for decades, enjoyed universalrespect, and who was accepted by the non-Muslims, at the highest level, as the legitimate spokesman for the concerns and aspirations of the entire community.
Maulana Syed Abul Hasan Ali Nadvi was indisputably one of the greatest exponents ofIslam in the second half of the twentieth century and because of his commandover Arabic, through his writings and speeches, he had a wide area of influenceextending far beyond the Sub-continent, particularly in the Arab World.
His exposition of Islam was marked by moderation. He was not a fanatic in any senseof the term but he believed in Islam as a blessing for mankind and as apositive and creative factor in human history. In a sense Islam was perceivedby him as a civilizational force which retained its relevance in the modern ageas a viable counterpoint to the Western civilization with all its excesses.
The Maulana’s forte was his extraordinary grasp of Islamic history. It is thishistoric sense of the rise and fall of Islam in different ages and regions,which prompted him ever to take a long-term rather than a short-term, a broadrather than a narrow, view of the problems the contemporary community faced.
The Maulana was the very anti-thesis of the media image of the fire-eating, narrow-mindedMullah. Orthodox as he was, he was far from being conservative in his approach.Umma-conscious as he was, his love for the motherland knew no bounds. He neverpreached ‘Jihad’ to restore Muslim dominance; He stood for mutual respect, forpeaceful coexistence, for human values, for establishing a social ambiencebased on tolerance and harmony in India and in the world at large.
The Maulana understood the spirit of the age. He appreciated the role of Democracyand Nationalism. With his deep insight into the Quran and his understanding ofthe personality of the Holy Prophet, he understood the implications of amulti-religious world, a global village divided into multi-religious States.
Scion of an illustrious family which has produced scholars and spiritual preceptors likeShah Alamullah Naqshbandi and Syed Ahmad Shaheed, the Maulana’s father, HakimSyed Abul Hai, was an eminent scholar of his time, immortalised by hisencyclopaedic work, Nuzhatul Khawatir, (in eight volumes) containing about5,000 biographical notes on Muslim scholars, theologians, jurists, etc. ofIndia, apart from other notable works.
Syed Abu lHasan Ali was born in 1333 A.H. (1914 A.D.). Having lost his father at the ageof nine, he was brought up by his elder brother, Dr. Syed Abul Ali Hasani whopractised medicine at Lucknow. He specialised in Arabic literature at NadwatulUlema, Lucknow, studied Hadith under Sheikh Husain Ahmed Madani at Darul Uloom,Deoband and Tafsir under Maulana Ahmad Ali of Lahore where he came in touchwith Iqbal whose poetry left an abiding impression on him. Besides literary andtheological studies, Maulana developed keen interest in Islamic history andalso learnt English in order to keep himself abreast of contemporary thought.He taught Arabic literature and Tafsir at the Nadwatul Ulema for ten years.
After the demise of his elder brother, he became the Secretary of Nadwatul Ulema andsubsequently as Rector he supervised both its academic and administrativemanagement.
In 1947,the Maulana could have followed his mentor Syed Sulaiman Nadvi and migrated toPakistan but he did not.
In hisformative years, the Maulana was associated with the Jamaat-e-Islami for a fewyears after its establishment by Maulana Abul Ala Maudoodi. Then he turned tothe Tablighi Jamaat founded by Maulana Ilyasi’s. But the Maulana’s geniusdemanded a wider horizon for its unfolding.
Spirituallya disciple of Maulana Abdul Qadir Raipuri, the Maulana belonged to the SufiSilsila Qadiriya Naqshbandia.
Apart from his long association with Nadwa (as student, teacher, Secretary andNazim), he served on the Shura of the Darul Uloom, Deoband, chaired theManaging Committee of Darul Musannefin, Azamgarh and established the Academy ofIslamic Research and Publications at Lucknow.
A prolific writer his works have been prescribed in the courses of study in anumber of Arab Universities. His notable Arabic work Maza Khasera al-Alamb’inhitat-il-Muslimeen was not only widely acclaimed but also carved out aplace for him in the literary circles of the Arab world. Several of his workshave since been translated into Arabic, English, Turkish, Bhasha Indonesia,Persian, Tamil and some other languages.
Karvaan-e-Zindagi,his autobiography in 8 volumes, and Purane-Chiragh (life sketches ofcontemporary personalities), his biography of Syed Ahmad Shaheed, his biographyof Hazrat Ali (KW) and his Tarikh-e-Dawat-o-Azimat are his permanentcontribution to Urdu literature.
He was anHonorary Member of the Academy of Arts and Letters, Damascus and Academy ofArabic Language, Amman and served as Visiting Professor in a number of Arabuniversities.
Internationally recognised, he was one of the Founder Members of the Rabita at-Alam-al-Islami,Makka, (1963), and served on the Higher Council of the Islamic University,Medina, the Executive Committee of the Federation of Islamic Universities,Rabat, and as the Chairman of the Board for the Centre of Islamic Studies ofthe Oxford University. The lectures he delivered at Indian, Arab and WesternUniversities have been highly appreciated as original contribution to the studyof Islam and on Islam’s relevance to the modern age.
In 1980,he received the Faisal International Award, followed by the Brunei Award andthe UAE Award in 1999.
A greatscholar, the Maulana was not confined to the cloister. Not involved in activepolitics, he never participated in party or electoral politics. He did not evenjoin the All India Muslim Majlis, established by his protégé Dr. A.J. Faridi in1967, as it took to electoral politics. The Maulana was one of the founders ofthe All India Muslim Majlis-e-Mushawarat (1964), the All India Muslim PersonalLaw Board (1972) and the All India Dini Talimi Council. He presided over theMilli Convention in 1979. He also extended his patronage to the Islamic FiqhAcademy and the All India Milli Council when they were established.
Topromote communal harmony, the Maulana became one of the founders of FOCUS whichwas later transformed into Society for Communal Harmony. He also established amovement ‘Pyam-e-Insaniyat’ to preach the gospel of universal love andbrotherhood.
TheMaulana valued the Constitution and the secular order as a guarantor of theIslamic identity of the Muslim community and of non-discrimination against themin various spheres of life. But he clearly saw the historic process ofassimilation at work in India and the long-term objective of Hindu Nationalismto absorb the Muslim Indians into the Hindu fold. That explains his firm standon the question of Muslim Personal Law against any interference throughlegislation or through judicial pronouncement and on introduction of SaraswatiVandana in Schools in UP.
The greatpolitical battles of the Muslim community during the last decades of thecentury were fought under his guidance. The A.I. Muslim Personal Law Boardlaunched in 1985 the movement for legislative nullification of the SupremeCourt judgement in the Shah Bano Case which the Muslim Indians saw as the thinend of the wedge for interference with the Shariat and for distorting theIslamic identity of the community. The Muslim Women (Protection of Rights onDivorcees) Act, 1986 was its fruit; though it had several inbuilt flaws whichhas landed the community subsequently in endless litigation.
With theMaulana’s consent in 1986, the AIMMM and the AIMPLB took up the question ofrestoration of the Babari Masjid when the unlocking of its doors in January1986 for regular darshan and puja converted it into a de-facto temple. Thoughhe did not directly involve himself in the Babari Masjid Movement (whoseCoordination Committee was later split to form the A.I. Babari Masjid ActionCommittees), he guided it at all critical points and participated innegotiations with the government as well as Hindu representatives. Subsequentto the Demolition, the AIMPLB, under his presidentship took the question in itsown hands including the direction of the proceedings in the title suit, thecriminal case and the inquiry.
In thelast decade of his life the Maulana served as the final arbiter, the last word,the Marja’, the ultimate point of reference, on any intra-communal differences,even if he did not play any active role in resolving them. He counselledcommitment with patience and wisdom, movement within the framework of democracyand rule of law, and dignity and not rhetoric in utterances.
With hisoff-repeated commitment to the principles of Democracy, Secularism andNon-violence as the only viable foundation for the Indian polity, his constantendeavour for inter-religious dialogue and for reconciliation and harmony, hecommanded universal respect for his moderation, learning and integrity, for hisinfluence in the Muslim community and for his outreach in the Islamic world,
Assiduouslysought by eminent political personalities from Indira Gandhi to Atal BehariVajpayee, the Maulana acted as the bridge between the government and thenational parties, on one hand, and Muslim community, on the other.
TheMaulana, it has been correctly observed, stood for social reform, religiousrevival and political awakening but not for Islamic Revolution. He wasrealistic enough not to chase mirages or instant solutions. He saw clearly thatthe destiny of Muslim Indians was intertwined with that of the Indian people asa whole and that, in the age of democratic pluralism, an Islamic Revolution orthe restoration of Islamic power was out of the realm of possibility but it waspossible for the Muslim Indians to lead an Islamic life and at the same time participatein managing the affairs of the country and contribute to its progress anddevelopment. This was the basis of his efforts to reduce the distance betweenthe Muslims and the Hindus, to demolish the wall of distrust between them andto create bonds of understanding and cooperation in rebuilding relations on theterms of common moral values of the society which he saw as being engulfed bydark forces of hatred and violence.
All hisactive life, with Lucknow as his base, he wandered ceaselessly, not only withinthe country but in the Arab-Islamic world and the West, in a constant search,it seems to me, for reconciliation between Islam and the West, between rivalideologies in the Arab-Islamic world, between India and Pakistan and betweenthe Hindu and Muslim Indians. Cautious in taking positions, he always lookedbeyond the turbulence of the time, through the flames of the currentcontroversy. Even when he took part, his role was that of a mediator, ofcounselling patience, of avoiding confrontation, of appealing to reason.
A man whopersonified Islamic values, soft-spoken, cultured and courteous to the core,humility and modesty, patience and tolerance, moderation and balance,generosity and compassion – all Islamic values – marked his personality. Neithera politician, nor a publicist, essentially a scholar, a man of religion, aspiritual person, a modern Dervish, a Mard-e-Momin who combined in himself thehighest values of the Shariat and the Tariqat, of orthodoxy and Sufism and whocommanded respect for his transparent sincerity, for his simple living and forhis selfless devotion to the common cause of the Community and the Nation, aman who lived for Allah alone and who wanted nothing but the good of all is nomore.
Hisdemise is the end of an era in the history of the Muslim India and has createda void impossible to fill in the foreseeable future.
May hissoul rest in eternal peace, Ameen!
http://www.muslimindiajournal.com/ShowArticles.asp?Path=/articles/Editorial/February2000.html
Syed Abul Hasan Ali Nadvi
Examplar of IslamicLiving, Exponent of Islam, Defender of Islamic Identity (1914 – 31 December, 1999)
During the twentieth century, Muslim India has produced great Islamic theologians,interpreters of the Quran, scholars of Hadith, Islamic jurists, historians, propagators of the faith, social reformers and educationists, but one cannotname another Islamic scholar whose concerns covered the entire spectrum of the collective existence of the Muslim Indians as a living community in thenational and international context, who, for decades, enjoyed universalrespect, and who was accepted by the non-Muslims, at the highest level, as the legitimate spokesman for the concerns and aspirations of the entire community.
Maulana Syed Abul Hasan Ali Nadvi was indisputably one of the greatest exponents ofIslam in the second half of the twentieth century and because of his commandover Arabic, through his writings and speeches, he had a wide area of influenceextending far beyond the Sub-continent, particularly in the Arab World.
His exposition of Islam was marked by moderation. He was not a fanatic in any senseof the term but he believed in Islam as a blessing for mankind and as apositive and creative factor in human history. In a sense Islam was perceivedby him as a civilizational force which retained its relevance in the modern ageas a viable counterpoint to the Western civilization with all its excesses.
The Maulana’s forte was his extraordinary grasp of Islamic history. It is thishistoric sense of the rise and fall of Islam in different ages and regions,which prompted him ever to take a long-term rather than a short-term, a broadrather than a narrow, view of the problems the contemporary community faced.
The Maulana was the very anti-thesis of the media image of the fire-eating, narrow-mindedMullah. Orthodox as he was, he was far from being conservative in his approach.Umma-conscious as he was, his love for the motherland knew no bounds. He neverpreached ‘Jihad’ to restore Muslim dominance; He stood for mutual respect, forpeaceful coexistence, for human values, for establishing a social ambiencebased on tolerance and harmony in India and in the world at large.
The Maulana understood the spirit of the age. He appreciated the role of Democracyand Nationalism. With his deep insight into the Quran and his understanding ofthe personality of the Holy Prophet, he understood the implications of amulti-religious world, a global village divided into multi-religious States.
Scion of an illustrious family which has produced scholars and spiritual preceptors likeShah Alamullah Naqshbandi and Syed Ahmad Shaheed, the Maulana’s father, HakimSyed Abul Hai, was an eminent scholar of his time, immortalised by hisencyclopaedic work, Nuzhatul Khawatir, (in eight volumes) containing about5,000 biographical notes on Muslim scholars, theologians, jurists, etc. ofIndia, apart from other notable works.
Syed Abu lHasan Ali was born in 1333 A.H. (1914 A.D.). Having lost his father at the ageof nine, he was brought up by his elder brother, Dr. Syed Abul Ali Hasani whopractised medicine at Lucknow. He specialised in Arabic literature at NadwatulUlema, Lucknow, studied Hadith under Sheikh Husain Ahmed Madani at Darul Uloom,Deoband and Tafsir under Maulana Ahmad Ali of Lahore where he came in touchwith Iqbal whose poetry left an abiding impression on him. Besides literary andtheological studies, Maulana developed keen interest in Islamic history andalso learnt English in order to keep himself abreast of contemporary thought.He taught Arabic literature and Tafsir at the Nadwatul Ulema for ten years.
After the demise of his elder brother, he became the Secretary of Nadwatul Ulema andsubsequently as Rector he supervised both its academic and administrativemanagement.
In 1947,the Maulana could have followed his mentor Syed Sulaiman Nadvi and migrated toPakistan but he did not.
In hisformative years, the Maulana was associated with the Jamaat-e-Islami for a fewyears after its establishment by Maulana Abul Ala Maudoodi. Then he turned tothe Tablighi Jamaat founded by Maulana Ilyasi’s. But the Maulana’s geniusdemanded a wider horizon for its unfolding.
Spirituallya disciple of Maulana Abdul Qadir Raipuri, the Maulana belonged to the SufiSilsila Qadiriya Naqshbandia.
Apart from his long association with Nadwa (as student, teacher, Secretary andNazim), he served on the Shura of the Darul Uloom, Deoband, chaired theManaging Committee of Darul Musannefin, Azamgarh and established the Academy ofIslamic Research and Publications at Lucknow.
A prolific writer his works have been prescribed in the courses of study in anumber of Arab Universities. His notable Arabic work Maza Khasera al-Alamb’inhitat-il-Muslimeen was not only widely acclaimed but also carved out aplace for him in the literary circles of the Arab world. Several of his workshave since been translated into Arabic, English, Turkish, Bhasha Indonesia,Persian, Tamil and some other languages.
Karvaan-e-Zindagi,his autobiography in 8 volumes, and Purane-Chiragh (life sketches ofcontemporary personalities), his biography of Syed Ahmad Shaheed, his biographyof Hazrat Ali (KW) and his Tarikh-e-Dawat-o-Azimat are his permanentcontribution to Urdu literature.
He was anHonorary Member of the Academy of Arts and Letters, Damascus and Academy ofArabic Language, Amman and served as Visiting Professor in a number of Arabuniversities.
Internationally recognised, he was one of the Founder Members of the Rabita at-Alam-al-Islami,Makka, (1963), and served on the Higher Council of the Islamic University,Medina, the Executive Committee of the Federation of Islamic Universities,Rabat, and as the Chairman of the Board for the Centre of Islamic Studies ofthe Oxford University. The lectures he delivered at Indian, Arab and WesternUniversities have been highly appreciated as original contribution to the studyof Islam and on Islam’s relevance to the modern age.
In 1980,he received the Faisal International Award, followed by the Brunei Award andthe UAE Award in 1999.
A greatscholar, the Maulana was not confined to the cloister. Not involved in activepolitics, he never participated in party or electoral politics. He did not evenjoin the All India Muslim Majlis, established by his protégé Dr. A.J. Faridi in1967, as it took to electoral politics. The Maulana was one of the founders ofthe All India Muslim Majlis-e-Mushawarat (1964), the All India Muslim PersonalLaw Board (1972) and the All India Dini Talimi Council. He presided over theMilli Convention in 1979. He also extended his patronage to the Islamic FiqhAcademy and the All India Milli Council when they were established.
Topromote communal harmony, the Maulana became one of the founders of FOCUS whichwas later transformed into Society for Communal Harmony. He also established amovement ‘Pyam-e-Insaniyat’ to preach the gospel of universal love andbrotherhood.
TheMaulana valued the Constitution and the secular order as a guarantor of theIslamic identity of the Muslim community and of non-discrimination against themin various spheres of life. But he clearly saw the historic process ofassimilation at work in India and the long-term objective of Hindu Nationalismto absorb the Muslim Indians into the Hindu fold. That explains his firm standon the question of Muslim Personal Law against any interference throughlegislation or through judicial pronouncement and on introduction of SaraswatiVandana in Schools in UP.
The greatpolitical battles of the Muslim community during the last decades of thecentury were fought under his guidance. The A.I. Muslim Personal Law Boardlaunched in 1985 the movement for legislative nullification of the SupremeCourt judgement in the Shah Bano Case which the Muslim Indians saw as the thinend of the wedge for interference with the Shariat and for distorting theIslamic identity of the community. The Muslim Women (Protection of Rights onDivorcees) Act, 1986 was its fruit; though it had several inbuilt flaws whichhas landed the community subsequently in endless litigation.
With theMaulana’s consent in 1986, the AIMMM and the AIMPLB took up the question ofrestoration of the Babari Masjid when the unlocking of its doors in January1986 for regular darshan and puja converted it into a de-facto temple. Thoughhe did not directly involve himself in the Babari Masjid Movement (whoseCoordination Committee was later split to form the A.I. Babari Masjid ActionCommittees), he guided it at all critical points and participated innegotiations with the government as well as Hindu representatives. Subsequentto the Demolition, the AIMPLB, under his presidentship took the question in itsown hands including the direction of the proceedings in the title suit, thecriminal case and the inquiry.
In thelast decade of his life the Maulana served as the final arbiter, the last word,the Marja’, the ultimate point of reference, on any intra-communal differences,even if he did not play any active role in resolving them. He counselledcommitment with patience and wisdom, movement within the framework of democracyand rule of law, and dignity and not rhetoric in utterances.
With hisoff-repeated commitment to the principles of Democracy, Secularism andNon-violence as the only viable foundation for the Indian polity, his constantendeavour for inter-religious dialogue and for reconciliation and harmony, hecommanded universal respect for his moderation, learning and integrity, for hisinfluence in the Muslim community and for his outreach in the Islamic world,
Assiduouslysought by eminent political personalities from Indira Gandhi to Atal BehariVajpayee, the Maulana acted as the bridge between the government and thenational parties, on one hand, and Muslim community, on the other.
TheMaulana, it has been correctly observed, stood for social reform, religiousrevival and political awakening but not for Islamic Revolution. He wasrealistic enough not to chase mirages or instant solutions. He saw clearly thatthe destiny of Muslim Indians was intertwined with that of the Indian people asa whole and that, in the age of democratic pluralism, an Islamic Revolution orthe restoration of Islamic power was out of the realm of possibility but it waspossible for the Muslim Indians to lead an Islamic life and at the same time participatein managing the affairs of the country and contribute to its progress anddevelopment. This was the basis of his efforts to reduce the distance betweenthe Muslims and the Hindus, to demolish the wall of distrust between them andto create bonds of understanding and cooperation in rebuilding relations on theterms of common moral values of the society which he saw as being engulfed bydark forces of hatred and violence.
All hisactive life, with Lucknow as his base, he wandered ceaselessly, not only withinthe country but in the Arab-Islamic world and the West, in a constant search,it seems to me, for reconciliation between Islam and the West, between rivalideologies in the Arab-Islamic world, between India and Pakistan and betweenthe Hindu and Muslim Indians. Cautious in taking positions, he always lookedbeyond the turbulence of the time, through the flames of the currentcontroversy. Even when he took part, his role was that of a mediator, ofcounselling patience, of avoiding confrontation, of appealing to reason.
A man whopersonified Islamic values, soft-spoken, cultured and courteous to the core,humility and modesty, patience and tolerance, moderation and balance,generosity and compassion – all Islamic values – marked his personality. Neithera politician, nor a publicist, essentially a scholar, a man of religion, aspiritual person, a modern Dervish, a Mard-e-Momin who combined in himself thehighest values of the Shariat and the Tariqat, of orthodoxy and Sufism and whocommanded respect for his transparent sincerity, for his simple living and forhis selfless devotion to the common cause of the Community and the Nation, aman who lived for Allah alone and who wanted nothing but the good of all is nomore.
Hisdemise is the end of an era in the history of the Muslim India and has createda void impossible to fill in the foreseeable future.
May hissoul rest in eternal peace, Ameen!
http://www.muslimindiajournal.com/ShowArticles.asp?Path=/articles/Editorial/February2000.html
Thursday, December 14, 2006
THE GREAT PEOPLE OF ISLAMIC REVIVAL-AL-GHAZALY-THE MAN OF DA`WAH
BISMILLAHIRRAHUMANIRRAHEEM
Al-Ghazaly – The Man of Da`wah
- Dr. Yusuf Al-Qaradawihttp://www.ghazaly.net/en/AboutSheikh/ShQaradawiOnSh.htm
The best greeting I can start with is the greeting of Islam, and the greeting of Islam is peace. So, peace and mercy be upon you. I thank those who arranged this symposium in the memory of our Sheikh, Al-Ghazaly, may Allah bless his soul and be pleased with him. I wish to thank the International Institute of Islamic Thought (IIIT), the Royal Conference for Research on Islamic Civilization (Al al-Bait Organization) and The Society of Islamic Studies and Research. This is an example of cooperation that should be repeated and "help you one another onto righteousness and pious duty" (al-Ma'idah; verse 2). Cooperation always produces good.
I don't know how I can talk to you about Sheikh Al-Ghazaly. How can I summarize half a century in a few minutes? How can I put the sea in a bottle?
It is not easy to talk about our Sheikh Al-Ghazaly. And I am saying 'our Sheikh' even if he is just nine years older than me. So, the difference in our ages is not a lot, but I assert that I am a student of his. I got to know him first by reading his articles and then by reading his books, since his first book, Islam and Economy, and his second book, Islam and Social Systems. I also admired his articles. At that time, I was only busy with literature and poetry. All my readings were focused into that direction. But when I read Al-Ghazaly's articles in the Muslim Brotherhood weekly magazine, I found him to be an astoundingly eloquent writer. At that time, I was not aware that he was an Azhari Sheikh. Sheikhs have a different style of writing and discuss different issues from him. They simply have a completely different spirit. Sheikh Al-Ghazaly used to write under different titles. Such examples are his Free Thoughts, Pages of Glory, and The Underprivileged People. This is not a Sheikh's style. That is why I never imagined that Al-Ghazaly of the Muslim Brotherhood magazine was an Azhari Sheikh. One day he signed 'Mohamed Al-Ghazaly Al-Wa'ez' (the preacher). I asked some brothers, "Is he from the Al-Wa'ez family or is he really a Wa'ez (preacher)?" They answered, "Yes, he is a preacher. That is his job." I asked, "Is he Azhari?" They replied, "Yes, he is a Sheikh and he even wears an Al-Azhar uniform." This made me love him more and read more of his articles. Al-Azhar, at that time, was proud of all its men and Sheikhs.
It wasn't written that I meet him until I was moved from the prison of Tanta. My brother, Ahmed Al-Assaal, who is sitting here among the audience, and some other brothers accompanied me. After our forty days stay in the Tanta prison, we were transferred to the Hike Step Jail. Then, we were to be transferred to Al-Toor Jail in Sinai. On our trip on the ship a quarrel started between some bothers. I saw a young man who was slightly shorter than average without a head cover, who spoke only a few words that put an end to the conflict. He said: "Brothers, you have to be patient, until we reach the place, which is destined to be our place of residence. It is the land from which revelation emerged to liberate a captivated nation, which appeared before Mohamed (pbuh). We are going to the Mountain of Al-Toor." Silence overtook the group. I asked some Ikhwan from Cairo, "Who is this speaker?" They answered, "Don't you know him? He is the al-Azhari Sheikh, Mohamed Al-Ghazaly." I told them, "He is a dear brother to me. I loved this Sheikh before seeing him, and here I am gazing upon him for the first time."
Allah destined that I be with him in the same section of the jail. That jail was originally a place for health examinations for people returning from Hajj. It was divided into sections, and each section was divided into several rooms. Allah destined that I be in the same area that Sheikh Al-Ghazaly was appointed an Imam for. I remember his first Khutbah there. It was an angry revolution regarding the living conditions of this prison. The prison guards were stealing the food from the prisoners! And it was just canned food to begin with. We were getting almost nothing to eat. After the Khutbah, Sheikh Al-Ghazaly led a rally inside the prison, the slogan of which was: "Stop the Hunger! Stop Organized Theft!" We were all rallying behind Sheikh Al-Ghazaly. At that time he was thirty-two. The jail administration was startled. Those in charge in it swiftly agreed to negotiate with the prisoners. We ended up receiving all our designated food – on the condition that we cook it ourselves!
This was Sheikh Al-Ghazaly. He would never tolerate oppression. From that incident on, I accompanied Sheikh Al-Ghazaly. It was then Ramadan. I enjoyed my Ramadan, praying behind him. He memorized the entire Qur'an perfectly. He would read the whole Qur'an twice during the month of Ramadan; the one time over the Taraweeh prayers and the other divided over all other prayers. At each prayer, he would begin reading with where he left off with until he finished the Qur'an. Then he would start the whole Qur'an again.
He would make Dua' during every prayer, the Dua' of Calamity. He would just say a few brief words. He would say: "Oh Allah, liberate us by Your power. Heal us with Your mercy. Take care of our affairs with Your kindness. Oh Allah, cover our bodies and make us secure from our fears. Oh Allah, take revenge on our oppressors." Sometimes, he would add a few other words.
I lived with Al-Ghazaly in prison - praying behind him and learning from his lectures. The theme of his lectures was, Islam and Political Oppression. The book that he later published under the same title was a collection of these lectures in prison. He was quite aware that those present were scrutinizing his words. But this never affected what he said. The prisoners' leader was our teacher and Sheikh, Al-Bahey Al-Kholi. Then, Sheikh Al-Bahey was taken out to attend a court case with the Ikhwan Secret Services. The Ikhwan in the jail agreed among themselves that Al-Ghazaly should be their new leader. He was quite young, but proved himself to be a wise and mature leader.
When we were freed we all kept strong ties with Sheikh Al-Ghazaly, and especially I and brother Ahmed Al-Assaal. He invited us to his place many times. We would very much enjoy his food and talk. That was good for our stomachs and our minds. I always accompanied Sheikh Al-Ghazaly. Even when I moved to Qatar, I would seize any opportunity to meet the man. I learned from him, as a Khateeb, as a lecturer, as a teacher, as a speaker, and as a writer.
I wrote a book on the Sheikh while he was still alive as a small gratitude. Many people do not show their gratitude to great men until after their deaths. Islamists, sadly, are guilty of this. Others, as for example Marxists, hail their men, their writers, their poets, and their thinkers. They over-exaggerate the greatness of their people. They adulate each other in the eyes of the public, while Islamists don't do this. The title of my book is Sheikh Al-Ghazaly, as I Knew Him: A Journey of Half a Century. Actually, this book started with an attempt of a group of writers to write a book on the Sheikh. It was planned to be a gift for him on his seventieth birthday. A committee was formed to publish this book, but unfortunately did not complete the project. The only one who published something was Brother Dr. Mohamed Emara. It was a small book titled, Sheikh Al-Ghazaly and his Place as a Thinker. Some articles written by others were gathered and published in a book by Dar Al-Sahwa. My book started off just as an article. The article had become too long. I realized I couldn't write just an article on the Sheikh. It would have to be a book. Although it turned out to be ten chapters long, I still think it falls short of being an adequate portrayal of the Sheikh. Each chapter of this book could easily be expanded into a separate book on Sheikh Al-Ghazaly.
Sheikh Al-Ghazaly was a man of Da`wah before anything else. He was, in fact, a top-level man of Da`wah. Da`wah or a being a caller to Islam was in his blood. He worked in it during the day and dreamt about it during the night. He lived for Da`wah in his past, his present, and his future – his entire self was dedicated to it. When he wrote, gave Khutab or lectures, he was doing it all for the sake of Da`wah. When he attacked, defended, or criticized, he was doing all of this for the benefit of Da`wah. He was a man of Da`wah.
He mastered using all the tools for Da`wah; first, the Holy Qur'an. He memorized the Qur'an as our brother, Dr. Ali Jum'ah said, "As if the Qur'an is one line in front of his eyes." I lived with the Sheikh and saw this myself. He would quote from the Qur'an as if it appeared all on one page in front of him. He considered the Qur'an as the first source for a Da'ee or caller. He believed that it should be the supreme judge over all other sources, such as the Sunnah, Qiyass (comparing of cases), and consensus. He believed that the Qur'an is the pivotal and fundamental source of `Aqeedah and Shari`ah. Sheikh Al-Ghazaly was a man of the Qur'an by all means. He saw things in the verses that nobody else would see easily. I was in Algeria discussing with some students of Justas Malik Bin Nabi, may Allah bless his soul. They were talking about Malik's theory on the tendency of Muslims to fall under imperialism. I told them that Sheikh Al-Ghazaly had first developed this theory. They asked how and where. I replied:
It was in his book, Islam and Economy. Al-Ghazaly wrote: "Nations are occupied when they develop tendencies for mischief. Occupation follows mischief." He went on very eloquently quoting some verses from Surat al-Isra'. These verses mention how mischievous the Children of Israel were and how this lead to their oppression and the occupation of their lands. They were oppressed by the Babylonians, Persians, Romans, etc.
The Sheikh was living with the Qur'an. Since his early books, one can easily conclude he saw in the Qur'an what nobody else was capable of. Dr. Al-Assaal described how Sheikh Al-Ghazaly would dedicate his books. At the beginning of his books he would write his dedications as follows: "In the way of Allah and the underprivileged." He took from the verse: "Why do you not fight in the way of Allah and the underprivileged." Therefore, it is a Qur'anic principle; "In the way of Allah and the underprivileged." He formed a group with some other scholars from Al-Azhar. Among them was Sheikh Khalid Mohamed Khalid (before he went in another direction). This group's slogan was "Religion at the Service of the Masses". This slogan was a response to those who say, "Religion is the Opium of the Masses". Sheikh Al-Ghazaly wrote this slogan on the covers of his first and second book.
Sheikh Al-Ghazaly would judge real life situations, Fiqh, Qiyass, and virtually everything by the words of the Qur'an. That is why he refused to accept anything that contradicts the teachings of the Qur'an. For example, he refused to accept the Hadith that Muslim narrated in his authentic collection, saying that the father of the Prophet (pbuh) is in the hellfire. Unfortunately, some brothers who work in the way of Da`wah quote this Hadith. When the birthday of the Prophet (pbuh) comes, one of the first things they say is: "People you have to know that the father of the Prophet (pbuh) is in the hellfire." Subhannallah, Sheikh Al-Ghazaly said:
This is completely contradictory to what is written in the Qur'an. Allah, glory to Him, said, "We will not punish a people until We (first) send a messenger." Arabs did not receive a messenger according to four verses in the Book of Allah, one verse stating for example, "To warn people, whose fathers were never warned," and another, "We have not sent him a Warner before you."
This is why he refuted this Hadith, even though it is found in the authentic collection of Muslim. The Qur'an, however, is the absolute truth. And Sheikh Al-Ghazaly was a man of the Qur'an. The Qur'an, of which he had immense knowledge of and experience with, was his main tool as a caller.
The second tool was his encyclopedic knowledge. In a book I authored many years ago titled, The Knowledge of the Caller, I mentioned that a caller requires six kinds of knowledge. Among them is the theoretical Islamic knowledge. This includes knowledge on Tafseer, Hadith, Fiqh, fundamentals, etc. Another type of knowledge is knowledge in literature. Sheikh Al-Ghazaly was one of the most eloquent writers of the Ummah. He was so keen not to make any grammatical or semantical mistakes. He, like the excellent Azhari scholars, had a firm linguistic and religious background.
This is the reason behind his flawless writing and highly articulate speech. If he ever made a mistake, he would confess and apologize. One day he was so emotional while speaking, and so made a grammatical mistake. He thereafter said, "Strong feelings caused me to err in my speech. I will try not to get so emotional." In his early books he sometimes made grammatical mistakes in conditional statements. When he realized it he simply never repeated this mistake. He used to memorize thousands of verses of poetry. I think he memorized most of the standard Arabic poetical works, if not all of them.
Moreover, he had a solid background in Islamic history, particularly the life story of the Prophet (pbuh). He also had a very strong background in the humanities, as well as knowledge in the sciences. Dr. Fahmi Jud'an said that Sheikh Al-Ghazaly was interested in science. Actually, a caller to Allah cannot do without science. Al-Ghazaly also kept up with current affairs occurring around the world and all strains of life. All this knowledge was his second tool after the Book of Allah, glory be to Allah.
Azhari knowledge has certain characteristics. Al-Azhar, like most religious schools and universities, follows the Ash'ari school of Aqeedah. I know that our Salafi brethren do not like this, but I would like to say that the whole Muslim Ummah follows the Ash'ari school. So, has the whole Ummah gone astray? Azhar, Zaituna, Al-Qaraweyah, and Dupand of India are all Ash'aris. All religious schools in the world are Ash'aris. So, Sheikh Al-Ghazaly was an Ash'ari. He just was not fanatical about it. He studied the Ash'ari school during his primary, secondary, and college years. His book, The Aqeedah of the Muslim, was written with a Salafi spirit and an Ash'ari breath. One can notice the Ash'ari touch in the way he defined and organized the chapters of the book. Nobody would be able to avoid this Ash'ari touch. He, moreover, took the opinion of applying both logic and scripts in Aqeedah. I would like to respond to what Dr. Fahmi Jud'an said. Logic is the foundation of scripts. Without logic we cannot accept the scripts. Proof of Prophethood is based on logic. Therefore, if we do not endorse logic, we cannot prove Prophethood or revelation. This is why Al-Ghazaly, and Ash'aris before him, said that logic is the foundation of scripts. A further reason behind his statement is that Ahadeeth coming from a single chain are not a strong enough evidence for proving Aqeedah. Single chains of Ahadeeth are doubtful and never absolute. Our brothers who criticize Sheikh Al-Ghazaly about this should know that the Sheikh did not come up with this means of judging Ahadeeth on his own. Ash'aris, Matridis, and most fundamentalists (Usoolis) are in the same consensus. I mentioned in my book that the Hanbalis' best scholars believe the same. I was referring to Abu Ya'la Al-Faraa's book, Al-Oddah (The Tools), Abu Al-Khattab's book, Al-Tamheed (The Introduction), Ibn Qudamah's book, Al-Rawdah (The Garden), and Ibn Taymeyah's book, Al-Moswaddah (The Draft). The fundamentalists of the Hanbali school, themselves, say that single chain Hadiths are not absolute. This is what follows from straight logic. Single chain Hadiths are weak because they are subjected to mistakes that can occur anywhere along their narration.
Logic is another tool that Sheikh Al-Ghazaly used in Da`wah. I mean by logic, the logic of the faithful. And in this case, logical reasoning works within and respects the Islamic fundamentals.
This is why I would like to comment on the claim that logic has no role to play in some areas. I understood from Dr. Fahmi Jud'an's talk that logic should have no role in determining Shari`ah rules. He said that Shari`ah is an area that should only be understood through revelation. I disagree. Analysis and reasoning has a role to play, and most definitely in this area. The use of logic is not confined to physics. It plays a fundamental role in revelation. There are, for example, issues that are not clearly defined within the revelation; there are issues that the revelation deals with in very general terms. Furthermore, there are issues that the revelation covers; however, the script can be understood in numerous ways. This is where the role of logic is integral to inferring what the script does not explicitly state. The application of reason and logic is crucial for grasping the meaning of the script. Hence, we have several schools of thought. Our Sheikh Al-Ghazaly used logic to understand Shari`ah and `Aqeedah. He, thus, refused to accept those few Ahadeeth that go against common sense. For instance, he refuted Ahadeeth such as, "If it were not for the doings of the Children of Israel, meat would not rot today" and "If it were not for Eve, no wife would betray her husband." These Ahadeeth are in Bukhari. Sheikh Al-Ghazaly said: "Meat rots because this is a scientific fact of life that was valid before and after the Children of Israel. If one leaves meat out at room temperature, it will rot after some time." He added: "Eve did not betray Adam. We do not have this notion in Islam." Thereby, he is using his mind and logic. Some people ridiculed him for this by saying, "How can he deny authentic Ahadeeth?" Some people went as far as accusing him of apostasy because he denied a few "authentic" Ahadeeth. I affirm that Sheikh Al-Ghazaly never denied the Sunnah. On the contrary, he defended it in many of his books, such as in, Fiqh of the Seerah and Un-Islamic Practices. I included in my book quotes of where he defends the Sunnah. He is a man who is defending Islam. But he is a caller who wants to present Islam in a logical, acceptable and sensible way. If a single chain of a Hadith were to contradict with simple facts, he would reject it, even if it were termed authentic.
His rejection of questionable Ahadeeth should never be a reason to discredit Sheikh Al-Ghazaly. During the days of the companions, `Aisha, may Allah be pleased with her, refuted some Ahadeeth that some companions claimed to have heard with their own ears. She said, "No, they either did not understand or changed the wording by mistake." She simply saw that these Ahadeeth were contradictory to the Qur'an. And in such situations she would reply to the companions saying, "How can you narrate this while Allah says so and so…."
There are several books that were written on what `Aisha discarded of the other companions' narrations. However, no one ever said that Aisha was an apostate because she rejected those Ahadeeth. In fact, there is not a single Imam who did not reject some Ahadeeth for some reason or another, and for example, Malik and Abu Hanifa. So, it was simply logic that propelled Sheikh Al-Ghazaly to develop his own opinions on many issues. And certainly when he chose an opinion over another, he did not do this out of personal whims. He had, as Dr. Al-Sawwa illustrated, a well-defined methodology and fixed fundamentals. He used common sense, but it never caused him to reject revelation. For instance, when he chose the opinion that the blood money for a woman is equal to that of a man, some people blamed him because they said that his opinion went against the four schools of thought. It is correct that this is not the opinion of the four schools of thought. But it is not a matter of consensus (Ijmaa). Al-Assamm and Ibn Aleya have different opinions, as mentioned by Shawkani. Moreover, all the Hadiths that were cited to support the claim that blood money for a woman is half that of a man's are not authentic. This is agreed upon by top scholars of Hadith. This is the thinking of Sheikh Al-Ghazaly. And it was a useful way of thinking when he used his arguments to counter Communists' attacks.
He always thought that belief is love for the sake of Allah and hate for the sake of Allah. I would like to name this soul a soul of a poet. Sheikh Al-Ghazaly said:
In 1951, the young Indian Islamic caller, Sheikh Abu Hassan Al-Nadawi, visited Egypt. He brought with him several letters that had written. One of them is titled, From the World to the Arabic Peninsula and From Arabs to the World. The world was asking the Arabic Peninsula about its mission it was to carry out. These were very strong and emotional words. Then the Peninsula answered the world. By Allah, no one can serve this Islam unless he/she has the soul of a poet.
I wasn't aware that Al-Ghazaly wrote poetry. But his son, Dr. Alaa, mentioned a while ago that he did write some verses. In any case, he was not a poet. But he had the soul of a poet. His emotions were always flooding out of his heart. A caller must have a lot of emotions. He or she cannot be rigid. Al-Ghazaly reproached some people for "not having a heart." These are people who only cared about the literal meaning of words. These rocks are not capable of calling for Islam. The call for Islam is not rigid. It is a nice and sweet emotion. That is why everybody who knew Sheikh Al-Ghazaly well loved him - even those who held different opinions to his. He was a tolerant, gentle, and witty person. There is not a single time one would sit with him without hearing a joke. He would even sometimes use jokes in Da`wah. Once he was asked if a man could direct his own destiny or if his future was predestined. He answered: "In the West a man directs his own destiny. But in the East one's life is predestined." It is obviously a tough question that is eternally asked. So, he solved the whole problem with this joke. That is how he was.
There is one more tool, with which I will end my talk. It is Sheikh Al-Ghazaly's tremendous spirituality. He had a heart of a Sufi. However, he never joined any Sufi group. I invited him a few years ago to be a visiting professor in Qatar. He stayed three happy years with us. One brother came to visit him, who was a Sufi and previously an Ikhwan, and said: "Oh respected Sheikh, I want you before the end of your life to give a covenant to my Sufi Sheikh." He asked him, "Is there a Sheikh after Hassan Al-Banna? I have taken from Hassan Al-Banna the Islam with all its comprehensiveness, balance, and depth." Yes, Al-Ghazaly learned from Hassan Al-Banna the all-inclusive Islam and lived it. Moreover, he had this tremendous spirituality that anyone who knew him would feel. Whoever reads what he wrote becomes moved by his words. I think he was sincere. I never listened to him without becoming emotional. The man was talking from his heart and expressing his inner thoughts. He never pretended in his speeches or faked his emotions. He acted quite naturally and never mixed the Islam with anything else. In his book, The Spiritual Side of Islam, he explained a part of a book, Words of Wisdom, written by Ibn Ataa Al-Sakandari. This contemporary explanation was wonderfully eloquent.
A conflict once took place between Al-Ghazaly and Ustaz Hassan Al-Hudaybi, which was later resolved. Al-Ghazaly later praised Al-Hudaybi greatly. When Al-Ghazaly discovered that Al-Hudaybi requested in his Will that he be buried in the charity graveyard, he was moved him to write the following:
Hassan Al-Hudaybi (the second general guide of the Ikhwan) died a few days ago. In his will he requested that he be given a quiet funeral and to be buried in the charity graveyard. I was amazed when I heard the latter request. I know Hassan Al-Hudaybi. I reconciliated with him two years before he died. He was a man of dignity and if he believed in something he would give his life for it. I was puzzled why he chose the charity graveyard. I reached a conclusion. He was a well-established judge in a high court. If he had spent his life attacking the Islamic Shari`ah, he would have been given the highest State Award. And if he had served secularism he would have become rich. However, he spent his life serving Islam. This is why he gained nothing but hardship. He was stabbed; just in the same way that Islam was attacked. He was humiliated, also in the same way that Islam was put down. He wanted all this to appear in his record when he meets Allah. Therefore, let him be buried in the charity graveyards with the wretched - those who nobody cares about. Let him be buried with people who died from torture in the military prison. The truth is: The Egyptian nation and the Muslim Ummah in general should revise their actions carefully before the Day of Judgment.
One day a man came to him and said, "Oh Sheikh, I have committed a sin and would like to repent." He replied: "Who knows, maybe this man is closer to Allah than I am. Maybe because he feels guilty towards his sin, he is closer to Allah than I. Who knows. Maybe my actions are insincere." Sheikh Al-Ghazaly had a tremendous spirituality. He would read a poem that Ibn Al-Rumi wrote on night prayers. He would read this poem crying. My dear brothers and sisters, this is Sheikh Al-Ghazaly. He lived his life to call for Islam, defend Islam, and attack the enemies of Islam. His books are either a defense of Islam or attacks on the enemies of Islam. He attacked the Zionists in his book, The Harvest of Pride. He attacked the missionaries in his book, A Cry of Warning from the Missionaries. He attacked orientalists when he replied to Gold Zahir. He also attacked Communists in his book titled, Islam and the Red Invasion, as well as the onslaught of western ideas in Darkness From the West, Imperialism with his Imperialism: Envy, and Greed, and finally national secularism in The Reality of Arabic Nationality and the Myth of the Arabic Revival.
All his books were either an attack or a defense. This was Sheikh Al-Ghazaly. Brothers and sisters, I cannot give him his due credit in just a few words. We are talking about a great leader of thought and a great Imam of Da`wah and Islamic revival. We are talking about a completely distinct school of Da`wah, thought, and reform. We need several research studies to define this school's characteristics, positions, and effects. Al-Ghazaly does not belong to a group or a nation. He belongs to the whole Muslim Ummah.
We are talking about a thinker and scholar, who dedicated his entire life to Islam, and nothing else. He gave Islam his thoughts, heart, tongue, pen, Jihad, and hard work. He struggled all his life under the banner of Islam. His slogan was: "My Prayers, My Rituals, My life, and My Death are for Allah, Lord of all the Worlds. He has No Partner. This I am commanded, and I am the first of those who surrender"(Al-An'Am: 162, 163). Allah was his only friend, judge and Lord.
He lived with a feeling that always filled his heart – that he was a guard for this Deen, and that he should never allow Islam to be attacked. He thought that he should always be on guard from internal and external enemies. He believed that he should not only defend, but attack as well. Attack would be the best means of defense. He never rested, because the fight for the Qur'an and Islam is continuous. He was concerned because Muslim blood was becoming cheap and most of the other guards were asleep, or otherwise; too busy arguing about trivial issues.
It was the Sheikh's destiny to fight on two fronts:
The front of the enemies of Islam; those who hate to see the spread of its light and dislike its return to lead the world. Some of those were international forces that fear or hate Islam. Examples include Zionists, Crusaders, Communists, and Idol worshippers. They have different religions and ways of thinking, but they are unified in their mission to attack Islam and put obstacles in its way. Allah said about them: "And those who disbelieve are protectors of one another" (Al-Anfal: 73) and "And the oppressors are friends to one another" (Al-Jatheyah:19).
Some others, unfortunately, are Muslims carrying Muslim names, like Mohamed, Ahmed, Hassan, Hussain, Omar, and Ali. However, their intentions are evil towards Islam and its callers. They, furthermore, deny its Shari`ah. Islam is their enemy because it teaches against their sinful lusts, their wild oppression, their hidden agendas, and their excessive greed.
The front of the ignorant friends; the ones who harm Islam while they believe that they are serving it. It is those that crush Islam's face in their attempts to swat a fly that settles on its face. They are named, "the misguiding callers." They make people busy with branches and not the fundamentals, with particulars and not the entirety, the controversial and not the agreed upon, and the works of the organs and not the works of the hearts.
He complained about callers, most of who cause disaster and harm for Islam. They never read or struggle. The few facts they know are not put into their correct contexts. The pains of the Ummah do not affect them. They continue to debate historical events. They do not recognize what is happening in the world; nor do they learn of the incredible leaps of change occurring within life on earth.
The body that is depleted of blood cells will fall. Similarly, the mind that is void of knowledge cannot fulfill the obligations of Jihad or truth.
The danger to the future of Islam, its nation, and its revival is those, who the Sheikh addressed in his final books. He hoped that they would learn and wake up. He wished that they would become less proud in their opinions and cease despising others they consider below them. He wished that they would learn to be humble with the believers, to respect the elderly, and to be kind to the younger ones.
I would like to say that Sheikh Al-Ghazaly was not flawless. He was a normal human being. Nevertheless, he was a man of Islam. He lived for Islam and he died for Islam. He remained in the battlefields until the very end and died with his sword in his hand. This was Sheikh Al-Ghazaly. If people wish to dwell on his mistakes, this does not discredit him. In the Hadith: "Water more than two Qullas (a measurement) can never be dirty." What if it were a sea?
You might have a different opinion from him in minor or major issues, and in few or many issues. However, if you got to know him well, you could not help loving and respecting him. You would certainly feel how sincere he is to Allah, how honest and how straightforward he is, and how keen he is to defend Islam.
He became quickly upset when somebody attacked Islam. When he was upset he was like a sea that floods and a volcano that burns. He hated oppression against himself or against any human being. He could not tolerate deviation, especially if it is disguised in a cloak of piety and religion. Therefore, if he witnessed oppression or deviation, from his point of view at least, he could not remain silent or permit his pen to be idle. He would angrily attack, regardless of the consequences. The Sheikh, however, never overstepped his boundaries in his enmity. He would also never slander his enemies or wish them harm.
The Sheikh was at the same time able to quickly cool down. He would return to the truth upon realizing the extent of his anger. He would not be ashamed to announce his errors made in any particular issue. This is a kind of bravery that is very rare.
May Allah bless Sheikh Al-Ghazaly's soul and gather him with the pious of His servants. May Allah reward him with the best reward He gives to knowledgeable leaders. May Allah reward him for what he did for this Ummah and this Deen with the highest reward. May Allah take care of his family and children the best way He does with sincere people. I ask Allah to guide us to follow the Sheikh in his footsteps, to adhere to the truth, to resist falsehood, and to call to Allah. "Who is best in speech than he who calls to Allah, does good deeds, and says I am among Muslims."
Finally, I ask Allah to forgive you and me and to bless our master, Mohamed, his family, and companions. And may the peace, blessings, and mercy of Allah be upon you.
This speech was delivered at a workshop held in `Amman, Jordan on Thursday 4th Safar, 1417 H (June 20th, 1996)
Al-Ghazaly – The Man of Da`wah
- Dr. Yusuf Al-Qaradawihttp://www.ghazaly.net/en/AboutSheikh/ShQaradawiOnSh.htm
The best greeting I can start with is the greeting of Islam, and the greeting of Islam is peace. So, peace and mercy be upon you. I thank those who arranged this symposium in the memory of our Sheikh, Al-Ghazaly, may Allah bless his soul and be pleased with him. I wish to thank the International Institute of Islamic Thought (IIIT), the Royal Conference for Research on Islamic Civilization (Al al-Bait Organization) and The Society of Islamic Studies and Research. This is an example of cooperation that should be repeated and "help you one another onto righteousness and pious duty" (al-Ma'idah; verse 2). Cooperation always produces good.
I don't know how I can talk to you about Sheikh Al-Ghazaly. How can I summarize half a century in a few minutes? How can I put the sea in a bottle?
It is not easy to talk about our Sheikh Al-Ghazaly. And I am saying 'our Sheikh' even if he is just nine years older than me. So, the difference in our ages is not a lot, but I assert that I am a student of his. I got to know him first by reading his articles and then by reading his books, since his first book, Islam and Economy, and his second book, Islam and Social Systems. I also admired his articles. At that time, I was only busy with literature and poetry. All my readings were focused into that direction. But when I read Al-Ghazaly's articles in the Muslim Brotherhood weekly magazine, I found him to be an astoundingly eloquent writer. At that time, I was not aware that he was an Azhari Sheikh. Sheikhs have a different style of writing and discuss different issues from him. They simply have a completely different spirit. Sheikh Al-Ghazaly used to write under different titles. Such examples are his Free Thoughts, Pages of Glory, and The Underprivileged People. This is not a Sheikh's style. That is why I never imagined that Al-Ghazaly of the Muslim Brotherhood magazine was an Azhari Sheikh. One day he signed 'Mohamed Al-Ghazaly Al-Wa'ez' (the preacher). I asked some brothers, "Is he from the Al-Wa'ez family or is he really a Wa'ez (preacher)?" They answered, "Yes, he is a preacher. That is his job." I asked, "Is he Azhari?" They replied, "Yes, he is a Sheikh and he even wears an Al-Azhar uniform." This made me love him more and read more of his articles. Al-Azhar, at that time, was proud of all its men and Sheikhs.
It wasn't written that I meet him until I was moved from the prison of Tanta. My brother, Ahmed Al-Assaal, who is sitting here among the audience, and some other brothers accompanied me. After our forty days stay in the Tanta prison, we were transferred to the Hike Step Jail. Then, we were to be transferred to Al-Toor Jail in Sinai. On our trip on the ship a quarrel started between some bothers. I saw a young man who was slightly shorter than average without a head cover, who spoke only a few words that put an end to the conflict. He said: "Brothers, you have to be patient, until we reach the place, which is destined to be our place of residence. It is the land from which revelation emerged to liberate a captivated nation, which appeared before Mohamed (pbuh). We are going to the Mountain of Al-Toor." Silence overtook the group. I asked some Ikhwan from Cairo, "Who is this speaker?" They answered, "Don't you know him? He is the al-Azhari Sheikh, Mohamed Al-Ghazaly." I told them, "He is a dear brother to me. I loved this Sheikh before seeing him, and here I am gazing upon him for the first time."
Allah destined that I be with him in the same section of the jail. That jail was originally a place for health examinations for people returning from Hajj. It was divided into sections, and each section was divided into several rooms. Allah destined that I be in the same area that Sheikh Al-Ghazaly was appointed an Imam for. I remember his first Khutbah there. It was an angry revolution regarding the living conditions of this prison. The prison guards were stealing the food from the prisoners! And it was just canned food to begin with. We were getting almost nothing to eat. After the Khutbah, Sheikh Al-Ghazaly led a rally inside the prison, the slogan of which was: "Stop the Hunger! Stop Organized Theft!" We were all rallying behind Sheikh Al-Ghazaly. At that time he was thirty-two. The jail administration was startled. Those in charge in it swiftly agreed to negotiate with the prisoners. We ended up receiving all our designated food – on the condition that we cook it ourselves!
This was Sheikh Al-Ghazaly. He would never tolerate oppression. From that incident on, I accompanied Sheikh Al-Ghazaly. It was then Ramadan. I enjoyed my Ramadan, praying behind him. He memorized the entire Qur'an perfectly. He would read the whole Qur'an twice during the month of Ramadan; the one time over the Taraweeh prayers and the other divided over all other prayers. At each prayer, he would begin reading with where he left off with until he finished the Qur'an. Then he would start the whole Qur'an again.
He would make Dua' during every prayer, the Dua' of Calamity. He would just say a few brief words. He would say: "Oh Allah, liberate us by Your power. Heal us with Your mercy. Take care of our affairs with Your kindness. Oh Allah, cover our bodies and make us secure from our fears. Oh Allah, take revenge on our oppressors." Sometimes, he would add a few other words.
I lived with Al-Ghazaly in prison - praying behind him and learning from his lectures. The theme of his lectures was, Islam and Political Oppression. The book that he later published under the same title was a collection of these lectures in prison. He was quite aware that those present were scrutinizing his words. But this never affected what he said. The prisoners' leader was our teacher and Sheikh, Al-Bahey Al-Kholi. Then, Sheikh Al-Bahey was taken out to attend a court case with the Ikhwan Secret Services. The Ikhwan in the jail agreed among themselves that Al-Ghazaly should be their new leader. He was quite young, but proved himself to be a wise and mature leader.
When we were freed we all kept strong ties with Sheikh Al-Ghazaly, and especially I and brother Ahmed Al-Assaal. He invited us to his place many times. We would very much enjoy his food and talk. That was good for our stomachs and our minds. I always accompanied Sheikh Al-Ghazaly. Even when I moved to Qatar, I would seize any opportunity to meet the man. I learned from him, as a Khateeb, as a lecturer, as a teacher, as a speaker, and as a writer.
I wrote a book on the Sheikh while he was still alive as a small gratitude. Many people do not show their gratitude to great men until after their deaths. Islamists, sadly, are guilty of this. Others, as for example Marxists, hail their men, their writers, their poets, and their thinkers. They over-exaggerate the greatness of their people. They adulate each other in the eyes of the public, while Islamists don't do this. The title of my book is Sheikh Al-Ghazaly, as I Knew Him: A Journey of Half a Century. Actually, this book started with an attempt of a group of writers to write a book on the Sheikh. It was planned to be a gift for him on his seventieth birthday. A committee was formed to publish this book, but unfortunately did not complete the project. The only one who published something was Brother Dr. Mohamed Emara. It was a small book titled, Sheikh Al-Ghazaly and his Place as a Thinker. Some articles written by others were gathered and published in a book by Dar Al-Sahwa. My book started off just as an article. The article had become too long. I realized I couldn't write just an article on the Sheikh. It would have to be a book. Although it turned out to be ten chapters long, I still think it falls short of being an adequate portrayal of the Sheikh. Each chapter of this book could easily be expanded into a separate book on Sheikh Al-Ghazaly.
Sheikh Al-Ghazaly was a man of Da`wah before anything else. He was, in fact, a top-level man of Da`wah. Da`wah or a being a caller to Islam was in his blood. He worked in it during the day and dreamt about it during the night. He lived for Da`wah in his past, his present, and his future – his entire self was dedicated to it. When he wrote, gave Khutab or lectures, he was doing it all for the sake of Da`wah. When he attacked, defended, or criticized, he was doing all of this for the benefit of Da`wah. He was a man of Da`wah.
He mastered using all the tools for Da`wah; first, the Holy Qur'an. He memorized the Qur'an as our brother, Dr. Ali Jum'ah said, "As if the Qur'an is one line in front of his eyes." I lived with the Sheikh and saw this myself. He would quote from the Qur'an as if it appeared all on one page in front of him. He considered the Qur'an as the first source for a Da'ee or caller. He believed that it should be the supreme judge over all other sources, such as the Sunnah, Qiyass (comparing of cases), and consensus. He believed that the Qur'an is the pivotal and fundamental source of `Aqeedah and Shari`ah. Sheikh Al-Ghazaly was a man of the Qur'an by all means. He saw things in the verses that nobody else would see easily. I was in Algeria discussing with some students of Justas Malik Bin Nabi, may Allah bless his soul. They were talking about Malik's theory on the tendency of Muslims to fall under imperialism. I told them that Sheikh Al-Ghazaly had first developed this theory. They asked how and where. I replied:
It was in his book, Islam and Economy. Al-Ghazaly wrote: "Nations are occupied when they develop tendencies for mischief. Occupation follows mischief." He went on very eloquently quoting some verses from Surat al-Isra'. These verses mention how mischievous the Children of Israel were and how this lead to their oppression and the occupation of their lands. They were oppressed by the Babylonians, Persians, Romans, etc.
The Sheikh was living with the Qur'an. Since his early books, one can easily conclude he saw in the Qur'an what nobody else was capable of. Dr. Al-Assaal described how Sheikh Al-Ghazaly would dedicate his books. At the beginning of his books he would write his dedications as follows: "In the way of Allah and the underprivileged." He took from the verse: "Why do you not fight in the way of Allah and the underprivileged." Therefore, it is a Qur'anic principle; "In the way of Allah and the underprivileged." He formed a group with some other scholars from Al-Azhar. Among them was Sheikh Khalid Mohamed Khalid (before he went in another direction). This group's slogan was "Religion at the Service of the Masses". This slogan was a response to those who say, "Religion is the Opium of the Masses". Sheikh Al-Ghazaly wrote this slogan on the covers of his first and second book.
Sheikh Al-Ghazaly would judge real life situations, Fiqh, Qiyass, and virtually everything by the words of the Qur'an. That is why he refused to accept anything that contradicts the teachings of the Qur'an. For example, he refused to accept the Hadith that Muslim narrated in his authentic collection, saying that the father of the Prophet (pbuh) is in the hellfire. Unfortunately, some brothers who work in the way of Da`wah quote this Hadith. When the birthday of the Prophet (pbuh) comes, one of the first things they say is: "People you have to know that the father of the Prophet (pbuh) is in the hellfire." Subhannallah, Sheikh Al-Ghazaly said:
This is completely contradictory to what is written in the Qur'an. Allah, glory to Him, said, "We will not punish a people until We (first) send a messenger." Arabs did not receive a messenger according to four verses in the Book of Allah, one verse stating for example, "To warn people, whose fathers were never warned," and another, "We have not sent him a Warner before you."
This is why he refuted this Hadith, even though it is found in the authentic collection of Muslim. The Qur'an, however, is the absolute truth. And Sheikh Al-Ghazaly was a man of the Qur'an. The Qur'an, of which he had immense knowledge of and experience with, was his main tool as a caller.
The second tool was his encyclopedic knowledge. In a book I authored many years ago titled, The Knowledge of the Caller, I mentioned that a caller requires six kinds of knowledge. Among them is the theoretical Islamic knowledge. This includes knowledge on Tafseer, Hadith, Fiqh, fundamentals, etc. Another type of knowledge is knowledge in literature. Sheikh Al-Ghazaly was one of the most eloquent writers of the Ummah. He was so keen not to make any grammatical or semantical mistakes. He, like the excellent Azhari scholars, had a firm linguistic and religious background.
This is the reason behind his flawless writing and highly articulate speech. If he ever made a mistake, he would confess and apologize. One day he was so emotional while speaking, and so made a grammatical mistake. He thereafter said, "Strong feelings caused me to err in my speech. I will try not to get so emotional." In his early books he sometimes made grammatical mistakes in conditional statements. When he realized it he simply never repeated this mistake. He used to memorize thousands of verses of poetry. I think he memorized most of the standard Arabic poetical works, if not all of them.
Moreover, he had a solid background in Islamic history, particularly the life story of the Prophet (pbuh). He also had a very strong background in the humanities, as well as knowledge in the sciences. Dr. Fahmi Jud'an said that Sheikh Al-Ghazaly was interested in science. Actually, a caller to Allah cannot do without science. Al-Ghazaly also kept up with current affairs occurring around the world and all strains of life. All this knowledge was his second tool after the Book of Allah, glory be to Allah.
Azhari knowledge has certain characteristics. Al-Azhar, like most religious schools and universities, follows the Ash'ari school of Aqeedah. I know that our Salafi brethren do not like this, but I would like to say that the whole Muslim Ummah follows the Ash'ari school. So, has the whole Ummah gone astray? Azhar, Zaituna, Al-Qaraweyah, and Dupand of India are all Ash'aris. All religious schools in the world are Ash'aris. So, Sheikh Al-Ghazaly was an Ash'ari. He just was not fanatical about it. He studied the Ash'ari school during his primary, secondary, and college years. His book, The Aqeedah of the Muslim, was written with a Salafi spirit and an Ash'ari breath. One can notice the Ash'ari touch in the way he defined and organized the chapters of the book. Nobody would be able to avoid this Ash'ari touch. He, moreover, took the opinion of applying both logic and scripts in Aqeedah. I would like to respond to what Dr. Fahmi Jud'an said. Logic is the foundation of scripts. Without logic we cannot accept the scripts. Proof of Prophethood is based on logic. Therefore, if we do not endorse logic, we cannot prove Prophethood or revelation. This is why Al-Ghazaly, and Ash'aris before him, said that logic is the foundation of scripts. A further reason behind his statement is that Ahadeeth coming from a single chain are not a strong enough evidence for proving Aqeedah. Single chains of Ahadeeth are doubtful and never absolute. Our brothers who criticize Sheikh Al-Ghazaly about this should know that the Sheikh did not come up with this means of judging Ahadeeth on his own. Ash'aris, Matridis, and most fundamentalists (Usoolis) are in the same consensus. I mentioned in my book that the Hanbalis' best scholars believe the same. I was referring to Abu Ya'la Al-Faraa's book, Al-Oddah (The Tools), Abu Al-Khattab's book, Al-Tamheed (The Introduction), Ibn Qudamah's book, Al-Rawdah (The Garden), and Ibn Taymeyah's book, Al-Moswaddah (The Draft). The fundamentalists of the Hanbali school, themselves, say that single chain Hadiths are not absolute. This is what follows from straight logic. Single chain Hadiths are weak because they are subjected to mistakes that can occur anywhere along their narration.
Logic is another tool that Sheikh Al-Ghazaly used in Da`wah. I mean by logic, the logic of the faithful. And in this case, logical reasoning works within and respects the Islamic fundamentals.
This is why I would like to comment on the claim that logic has no role to play in some areas. I understood from Dr. Fahmi Jud'an's talk that logic should have no role in determining Shari`ah rules. He said that Shari`ah is an area that should only be understood through revelation. I disagree. Analysis and reasoning has a role to play, and most definitely in this area. The use of logic is not confined to physics. It plays a fundamental role in revelation. There are, for example, issues that are not clearly defined within the revelation; there are issues that the revelation deals with in very general terms. Furthermore, there are issues that the revelation covers; however, the script can be understood in numerous ways. This is where the role of logic is integral to inferring what the script does not explicitly state. The application of reason and logic is crucial for grasping the meaning of the script. Hence, we have several schools of thought. Our Sheikh Al-Ghazaly used logic to understand Shari`ah and `Aqeedah. He, thus, refused to accept those few Ahadeeth that go against common sense. For instance, he refuted Ahadeeth such as, "If it were not for the doings of the Children of Israel, meat would not rot today" and "If it were not for Eve, no wife would betray her husband." These Ahadeeth are in Bukhari. Sheikh Al-Ghazaly said: "Meat rots because this is a scientific fact of life that was valid before and after the Children of Israel. If one leaves meat out at room temperature, it will rot after some time." He added: "Eve did not betray Adam. We do not have this notion in Islam." Thereby, he is using his mind and logic. Some people ridiculed him for this by saying, "How can he deny authentic Ahadeeth?" Some people went as far as accusing him of apostasy because he denied a few "authentic" Ahadeeth. I affirm that Sheikh Al-Ghazaly never denied the Sunnah. On the contrary, he defended it in many of his books, such as in, Fiqh of the Seerah and Un-Islamic Practices. I included in my book quotes of where he defends the Sunnah. He is a man who is defending Islam. But he is a caller who wants to present Islam in a logical, acceptable and sensible way. If a single chain of a Hadith were to contradict with simple facts, he would reject it, even if it were termed authentic.
His rejection of questionable Ahadeeth should never be a reason to discredit Sheikh Al-Ghazaly. During the days of the companions, `Aisha, may Allah be pleased with her, refuted some Ahadeeth that some companions claimed to have heard with their own ears. She said, "No, they either did not understand or changed the wording by mistake." She simply saw that these Ahadeeth were contradictory to the Qur'an. And in such situations she would reply to the companions saying, "How can you narrate this while Allah says so and so…."
There are several books that were written on what `Aisha discarded of the other companions' narrations. However, no one ever said that Aisha was an apostate because she rejected those Ahadeeth. In fact, there is not a single Imam who did not reject some Ahadeeth for some reason or another, and for example, Malik and Abu Hanifa. So, it was simply logic that propelled Sheikh Al-Ghazaly to develop his own opinions on many issues. And certainly when he chose an opinion over another, he did not do this out of personal whims. He had, as Dr. Al-Sawwa illustrated, a well-defined methodology and fixed fundamentals. He used common sense, but it never caused him to reject revelation. For instance, when he chose the opinion that the blood money for a woman is equal to that of a man, some people blamed him because they said that his opinion went against the four schools of thought. It is correct that this is not the opinion of the four schools of thought. But it is not a matter of consensus (Ijmaa). Al-Assamm and Ibn Aleya have different opinions, as mentioned by Shawkani. Moreover, all the Hadiths that were cited to support the claim that blood money for a woman is half that of a man's are not authentic. This is agreed upon by top scholars of Hadith. This is the thinking of Sheikh Al-Ghazaly. And it was a useful way of thinking when he used his arguments to counter Communists' attacks.
He always thought that belief is love for the sake of Allah and hate for the sake of Allah. I would like to name this soul a soul of a poet. Sheikh Al-Ghazaly said:
In 1951, the young Indian Islamic caller, Sheikh Abu Hassan Al-Nadawi, visited Egypt. He brought with him several letters that had written. One of them is titled, From the World to the Arabic Peninsula and From Arabs to the World. The world was asking the Arabic Peninsula about its mission it was to carry out. These were very strong and emotional words. Then the Peninsula answered the world. By Allah, no one can serve this Islam unless he/she has the soul of a poet.
I wasn't aware that Al-Ghazaly wrote poetry. But his son, Dr. Alaa, mentioned a while ago that he did write some verses. In any case, he was not a poet. But he had the soul of a poet. His emotions were always flooding out of his heart. A caller must have a lot of emotions. He or she cannot be rigid. Al-Ghazaly reproached some people for "not having a heart." These are people who only cared about the literal meaning of words. These rocks are not capable of calling for Islam. The call for Islam is not rigid. It is a nice and sweet emotion. That is why everybody who knew Sheikh Al-Ghazaly well loved him - even those who held different opinions to his. He was a tolerant, gentle, and witty person. There is not a single time one would sit with him without hearing a joke. He would even sometimes use jokes in Da`wah. Once he was asked if a man could direct his own destiny or if his future was predestined. He answered: "In the West a man directs his own destiny. But in the East one's life is predestined." It is obviously a tough question that is eternally asked. So, he solved the whole problem with this joke. That is how he was.
There is one more tool, with which I will end my talk. It is Sheikh Al-Ghazaly's tremendous spirituality. He had a heart of a Sufi. However, he never joined any Sufi group. I invited him a few years ago to be a visiting professor in Qatar. He stayed three happy years with us. One brother came to visit him, who was a Sufi and previously an Ikhwan, and said: "Oh respected Sheikh, I want you before the end of your life to give a covenant to my Sufi Sheikh." He asked him, "Is there a Sheikh after Hassan Al-Banna? I have taken from Hassan Al-Banna the Islam with all its comprehensiveness, balance, and depth." Yes, Al-Ghazaly learned from Hassan Al-Banna the all-inclusive Islam and lived it. Moreover, he had this tremendous spirituality that anyone who knew him would feel. Whoever reads what he wrote becomes moved by his words. I think he was sincere. I never listened to him without becoming emotional. The man was talking from his heart and expressing his inner thoughts. He never pretended in his speeches or faked his emotions. He acted quite naturally and never mixed the Islam with anything else. In his book, The Spiritual Side of Islam, he explained a part of a book, Words of Wisdom, written by Ibn Ataa Al-Sakandari. This contemporary explanation was wonderfully eloquent.
A conflict once took place between Al-Ghazaly and Ustaz Hassan Al-Hudaybi, which was later resolved. Al-Ghazaly later praised Al-Hudaybi greatly. When Al-Ghazaly discovered that Al-Hudaybi requested in his Will that he be buried in the charity graveyard, he was moved him to write the following:
Hassan Al-Hudaybi (the second general guide of the Ikhwan) died a few days ago. In his will he requested that he be given a quiet funeral and to be buried in the charity graveyard. I was amazed when I heard the latter request. I know Hassan Al-Hudaybi. I reconciliated with him two years before he died. He was a man of dignity and if he believed in something he would give his life for it. I was puzzled why he chose the charity graveyard. I reached a conclusion. He was a well-established judge in a high court. If he had spent his life attacking the Islamic Shari`ah, he would have been given the highest State Award. And if he had served secularism he would have become rich. However, he spent his life serving Islam. This is why he gained nothing but hardship. He was stabbed; just in the same way that Islam was attacked. He was humiliated, also in the same way that Islam was put down. He wanted all this to appear in his record when he meets Allah. Therefore, let him be buried in the charity graveyards with the wretched - those who nobody cares about. Let him be buried with people who died from torture in the military prison. The truth is: The Egyptian nation and the Muslim Ummah in general should revise their actions carefully before the Day of Judgment.
One day a man came to him and said, "Oh Sheikh, I have committed a sin and would like to repent." He replied: "Who knows, maybe this man is closer to Allah than I am. Maybe because he feels guilty towards his sin, he is closer to Allah than I. Who knows. Maybe my actions are insincere." Sheikh Al-Ghazaly had a tremendous spirituality. He would read a poem that Ibn Al-Rumi wrote on night prayers. He would read this poem crying. My dear brothers and sisters, this is Sheikh Al-Ghazaly. He lived his life to call for Islam, defend Islam, and attack the enemies of Islam. His books are either a defense of Islam or attacks on the enemies of Islam. He attacked the Zionists in his book, The Harvest of Pride. He attacked the missionaries in his book, A Cry of Warning from the Missionaries. He attacked orientalists when he replied to Gold Zahir. He also attacked Communists in his book titled, Islam and the Red Invasion, as well as the onslaught of western ideas in Darkness From the West, Imperialism with his Imperialism: Envy, and Greed, and finally national secularism in The Reality of Arabic Nationality and the Myth of the Arabic Revival.
All his books were either an attack or a defense. This was Sheikh Al-Ghazaly. Brothers and sisters, I cannot give him his due credit in just a few words. We are talking about a great leader of thought and a great Imam of Da`wah and Islamic revival. We are talking about a completely distinct school of Da`wah, thought, and reform. We need several research studies to define this school's characteristics, positions, and effects. Al-Ghazaly does not belong to a group or a nation. He belongs to the whole Muslim Ummah.
We are talking about a thinker and scholar, who dedicated his entire life to Islam, and nothing else. He gave Islam his thoughts, heart, tongue, pen, Jihad, and hard work. He struggled all his life under the banner of Islam. His slogan was: "My Prayers, My Rituals, My life, and My Death are for Allah, Lord of all the Worlds. He has No Partner. This I am commanded, and I am the first of those who surrender"(Al-An'Am: 162, 163). Allah was his only friend, judge and Lord.
He lived with a feeling that always filled his heart – that he was a guard for this Deen, and that he should never allow Islam to be attacked. He thought that he should always be on guard from internal and external enemies. He believed that he should not only defend, but attack as well. Attack would be the best means of defense. He never rested, because the fight for the Qur'an and Islam is continuous. He was concerned because Muslim blood was becoming cheap and most of the other guards were asleep, or otherwise; too busy arguing about trivial issues.
It was the Sheikh's destiny to fight on two fronts:
The front of the enemies of Islam; those who hate to see the spread of its light and dislike its return to lead the world. Some of those were international forces that fear or hate Islam. Examples include Zionists, Crusaders, Communists, and Idol worshippers. They have different religions and ways of thinking, but they are unified in their mission to attack Islam and put obstacles in its way. Allah said about them: "And those who disbelieve are protectors of one another" (Al-Anfal: 73) and "And the oppressors are friends to one another" (Al-Jatheyah:19).
Some others, unfortunately, are Muslims carrying Muslim names, like Mohamed, Ahmed, Hassan, Hussain, Omar, and Ali. However, their intentions are evil towards Islam and its callers. They, furthermore, deny its Shari`ah. Islam is their enemy because it teaches against their sinful lusts, their wild oppression, their hidden agendas, and their excessive greed.
The front of the ignorant friends; the ones who harm Islam while they believe that they are serving it. It is those that crush Islam's face in their attempts to swat a fly that settles on its face. They are named, "the misguiding callers." They make people busy with branches and not the fundamentals, with particulars and not the entirety, the controversial and not the agreed upon, and the works of the organs and not the works of the hearts.
He complained about callers, most of who cause disaster and harm for Islam. They never read or struggle. The few facts they know are not put into their correct contexts. The pains of the Ummah do not affect them. They continue to debate historical events. They do not recognize what is happening in the world; nor do they learn of the incredible leaps of change occurring within life on earth.
The body that is depleted of blood cells will fall. Similarly, the mind that is void of knowledge cannot fulfill the obligations of Jihad or truth.
The danger to the future of Islam, its nation, and its revival is those, who the Sheikh addressed in his final books. He hoped that they would learn and wake up. He wished that they would become less proud in their opinions and cease despising others they consider below them. He wished that they would learn to be humble with the believers, to respect the elderly, and to be kind to the younger ones.
I would like to say that Sheikh Al-Ghazaly was not flawless. He was a normal human being. Nevertheless, he was a man of Islam. He lived for Islam and he died for Islam. He remained in the battlefields until the very end and died with his sword in his hand. This was Sheikh Al-Ghazaly. If people wish to dwell on his mistakes, this does not discredit him. In the Hadith: "Water more than two Qullas (a measurement) can never be dirty." What if it were a sea?
You might have a different opinion from him in minor or major issues, and in few or many issues. However, if you got to know him well, you could not help loving and respecting him. You would certainly feel how sincere he is to Allah, how honest and how straightforward he is, and how keen he is to defend Islam.
He became quickly upset when somebody attacked Islam. When he was upset he was like a sea that floods and a volcano that burns. He hated oppression against himself or against any human being. He could not tolerate deviation, especially if it is disguised in a cloak of piety and religion. Therefore, if he witnessed oppression or deviation, from his point of view at least, he could not remain silent or permit his pen to be idle. He would angrily attack, regardless of the consequences. The Sheikh, however, never overstepped his boundaries in his enmity. He would also never slander his enemies or wish them harm.
The Sheikh was at the same time able to quickly cool down. He would return to the truth upon realizing the extent of his anger. He would not be ashamed to announce his errors made in any particular issue. This is a kind of bravery that is very rare.
May Allah bless Sheikh Al-Ghazaly's soul and gather him with the pious of His servants. May Allah reward him with the best reward He gives to knowledgeable leaders. May Allah reward him for what he did for this Ummah and this Deen with the highest reward. May Allah take care of his family and children the best way He does with sincere people. I ask Allah to guide us to follow the Sheikh in his footsteps, to adhere to the truth, to resist falsehood, and to call to Allah. "Who is best in speech than he who calls to Allah, does good deeds, and says I am among Muslims."
Finally, I ask Allah to forgive you and me and to bless our master, Mohamed, his family, and companions. And may the peace, blessings, and mercy of Allah be upon you.
This speech was delivered at a workshop held in `Amman, Jordan on Thursday 4th Safar, 1417 H (June 20th, 1996)
Wednesday, August 23, 2006
HIZBULLAH 20 YEARS OF RESISTANCE
BISMILLAHIRRAHUMANIRRAHEEM
Hezbollah, twenty years of resistance and victory
Ikhwanweb - Beirut , Lebanon
Friday, August 18, 2006
While the Israeli occupation persists in invading Lebanon, Hezbollah and the Islamic resistance (IR) proved that not only they can stand and face the Israeli occupation troops, but also make the Israelis suffer the same experience they repeatedly made the Arabs and Muslims suffer in Lebanon and Palestine nowadays, or in Egypt, Jordon and Syria in the past. This experience is to be horribly terrified of bombs or Katiousha missiles lest it may demolish your house.
This war- which lasted for eight days today- proved that Hezbollah and the Islamic resistance- though their limited capabilities- can resist. It caused the Israeli army gross casualties, such as the destruction of their battleship and airship, and dozens of rocket missiles on Haifa, Tabaria and other Israeli cities.
Hezbollah actually exists in an active way in the Lebanese political arena since 20 years, the military resistance to the Israeli existence in Lebanon helped Hezbollah obtain local and regional legitimacy, especially after the Israeli invasion of Lebanon in 1982, Hezbollah crowned its political and military actions by forcing Israel to withdraw from southern Lebanon in May- last year.
Who are Hezbollah? What about the origin, structure, internal institutions, relation with Syria and Iran, and the future after the Israeli withdrawal from Lebanon?
We will tackle the following topics in the report:
* The origin and development of Hezbollah
* The reasons of success in resistance
The origin
The existence of Hezbollah in Lebanon, in 1982, was preceded by an intellectual and ideological environment, which Sheikh Hussein Fadlollah had an important role in its existence, through his scholarly activity in the south. Due to the political and ideological correlation between both sides, the Islamic Revolution in Iran- led by Ayatollah al-Khomeini in 1979- helped the emergence of Hezbollah.
Hezbollah party issued a statement in 16/2/1985, in which it said "the party is adherent to the instructions set by a wise and just leadership represented in the jurist Ayatollah al- Mosawi al- Khomeini, the leader of the Muslims' revolution and renaissance."
The majority of the party is Shiite Lebanese who are ideologically affiliated to Iran, because they consider Ayatollah Ali Khamen'i one of the supreme religious authorities, Sheikh Hassan Nasrollah is the secretary general of Hezbollah and the legitimate deputy of Ayatollah Ali Khamen'i in Lebanon. This ideological and juristic correlation is quite clear in the direct and rapid support of the Islamic Republic to the emerging party.
The party was instituted in an atmosphere of military resistance of the Israeli occupation in Lebanon in 1982, so the party's political ideology basis is resisting occupation. The first military operation to make Hezbollah famous in the Arab world was in October 1983, when the party exploded the American and French premises killing 300 American and French soldiers.
The party's orientations
Hassan Nasrollah says that the party cares for the destination and future of Lebanon, participates with the rest of political trends to establish free and just society in Lebanon and is interested in all the Arab and Islamic issues, especially the Palestinian.
The structure
Though having secret activities, the party declared some of its organizational bodies which regulate its work, for example:
- Leadership authority
- Political council
- Planning council
- Parliament bloc
- Executive groups
- Advisory institutions
The decisions are made by the majority of votes within these institutions. The consultative council is the supreme organizational authority, because it is made up of 12 members responsible for following up economical and social fields.
Secretaries of the party
Muhammad Hussein Fadlollah is the real founder of Hezbollah, because he had Da'wa (call) activity among the Shiite in the south, which encouraged the people to sympathize with the party, which was founded in 1982 and officially declared in 1985.
The first secretary general of the party was Sheikh Sobhi Attofaili, who assumed the position from 1989 till 1991, but he was compelled to resign, because the party refused his declaration of a unilateral civil disobedience of the Lebanese government, he was followed by Sheikh `Abbas al-Mosawi, who stayed in this position only for nine months, because of being assassinated by Israel in 1992, then the party has been led by Sheikh Hassan Nasrollah.
Service institutions
Hezbollah presented services for the people, especially in southern Lebanon, which had a great role in the party's popularity; the party was absorbed in establishing new schools and beneficiary societies which cared for the injured and martyrs, such as:
- "Building Jihad" foundation was instituted in1988, included many engineers, technicians and workers. It specialized in digging wells and preparing educational courses in agriculture and veterinary.
- The Islamic Health authority had 47 branches in all the country and the south, in addition to Beirut.
- The non- interest loan society was founded in1982 to provide the needy with loans without interests.
- Islamic beneficiary support society was founded in 1987, to help achieve self- sufficiency for families, and caring the orphans, disabled, and widows.
- Martyr association caring and providing education to the families of the martyrs.
- Islamic institution for education was founded in 1993 to build new schools in different places in Lebanon. The priority to join these schools was for the martyrs' offspring.
- Authority for supporting the Islamic resistance to collect donations for the resistance, hold symposiums, and shows to spread the awareness about the importance of resistance.
The party has important sports, cultural, and informational institutions, such as Imam Khomeini center, Al'hd magazine, and Al-Manar TV channel, which managed to attract a wide range of the audience, it also carried out a live broadcast for Hezbollah's operations against Israel.
Thought and programs
Hezbollah differs between thought and political platform; they say that the political idea doesn't expire due to the incompatible political reality, such as the idea of establishing an Islamic state, Hassan Nasrollah said "our vision about the Islamic state is different from that of Taliban in Afghanistan; the idea of the Islamic state is present at the political thought level, as for the platform, the Lebanese characteristics don't support this idea. The hopeful Islamic state should come out of public support, now we can't establish it nowadays, because it needs security."
Hezbollah and Syria
Hezbollah has a distinguished relation with Syria since the middle of the 70s, when Syria declared that it will enter and exist in Lebanon to settle the civil war. Syria managed to disarm the fighting factions and dismantled the militias, but did not disarm Hezbollah, because the party didn't participate in the civil war, but was absorbed in the security belt set by Israel in south Lebanon. This distinguished relation was escalated by Syria using the party as a paper to exert pressure with on Israel concerning political gains in any negotiations about the occupied Golan Heights. Hezbollah don't deny the Syrian aids to it.
Hezbollah considers the Syrian existence is important for both Syria and Lebanon, to avoid the continuous threats and to maintain the political balance between the Lebanese factions, that's why the party organized a big demo, included more than 100 thousands, as a reply to all who oppose the Syrian existence in Lebanon.
Hezbollah and Iran
We find that both policy and religion are intermingled in the relation between Hezbollah and Iran; the Shiite Lebanese have deep spiritual relations with the religious authorities in Iran, moreover they consider the leader of the Iranian revolution, Ayatollah Ali Khamen'i, the supreme religious authority for them. Hassan Nasrollah is called the legitimate deputy of Ayatollah Ali Khamen'i.
Though all political and financial support the party receives from Iran, it can't be considered an Iranian party inside Lebanon; Hassan Nasrollah says "the secretary general of the party is Lebanese, all the cadres are Lebanese, implements its activities in Lebanon, and defends and presents martyrs for the sake of liberating Lebanon". All these criteria denote that it's Lebanese not Iranian.
The military operations
Hezbollah is different from other Lebanese parties, because of its military operations, which helped him actually get out of theorization to practice and gave it popularity and legitimacy in Lebanon. These military actions are clear factors which stir up unrest among the Israelis, and a practical answer to some of the Arab intellectuals who call for peaceful naturalization with Israel.
One of its operations against Israel
The military operations of Hezbollah against Israel caused great damage ranges between 22 and 23 annual killings, besides a big number of injured and prisoners. The party's sources indicate that the average of military operations done by Hezbollah from 1989 till 1991 mounted 292, and from 1992 till 1994 mounted 465 and from 1995 till 1997 mounted 936, the Islamic resistance- the military wing of Hezbollah- carried out 736 operations.
As for the Israeli sources, they indicate that Israel lost 36 soldier in 1988 and 64 were injured, and two kidnapped. By and large, Israel lost 1200 person during 18 years.
Israel's withdrawal was due to these operations, the first big pullout was in 1985, and then was followed by several pullbacks, at top of them was that from "Juzain", a Lebanese territory. The operations created a public current calling for pullout from "the Lebanese quagmire", the most prominent movement was "The Four Mothers."
Hezbollah used the guerrillas and martyrdom operations, which usually used explosives, ambushes, guns and Katiousha missiles, the famous weapon used by the party against Israel.
The military resistance of Hezbollah is marked by accuracy in determining the targets, sudden action and secure pullback after the operations, in addition to a well- trained investigation body. The most famous operation of the party was "Anssariah" battle in 1997, when they induced a helicopter with 16 Israeli worriers onboard and destroyed them all.
Hezbollah and politics
Hezbollah has a great role in policy since the agreement of Atta'ef in 1990, which the party approved except for some terms. The party stood siding with the opposition, in its first parliamentary elections in 1992, it wan 12 seats, which was the biggest number a bloc can obtain individually. It also participated in 1996 elections. In the current parliament, it has 8 serious members, who propose new platforms and deep researches to be discussed. The party seeks to form a political bloc to exert pressure on the others. It participated in syndicates' elections, especially doctors and engineers' syndicates, as well as students and workers unions.
Through its political practice, the party tried to apply Islamic principles through persuasion and dialogue, rejecting violence as a means to be empowered. It calls for intercultural communication and refuses clash of civilizations theory, that's why it's a good role in holding dialogues between it and the Christian religious figures, tries to coordinate with the national and leftist trends, and doesn't object to participate in the cabinet.
Hezbollah after withdrawal
Many questions arose about the future of Hezbollah after the Israeli pullout from the south; will it dismantle the military wing? The party always replies that it won't give up weapon or military resistance, except in one case, i.e. the liberation of all Lebanon- denoting to Sheb'a farmlands, which are still under the Israeli occupation- and the release of all the Arab prisoners, including Sheikh Abdul- Kareem 'Ebeid and Sheikh al-Derani, from the Israeli prisons.
The political and social work of the party is superior to the military activity, so it can suffice with policy- if it decides. It seems that it will go on military actions till Syria reaches an agreement with Israel.
Resistance success reasons
1-Independence and secrecy:
Unlike the traditional resistance, the IR since its emergence until now has not participated in operations against the occupation with any other party. It does not want the ideological harmony, lest it might be penetrated by the enemy, when political and ideological trends vary, it will be difficult to be controlled or ruled, as what happened with the past resistance advocates, (especially the Palestinian), which suffered much assassinations because of these security penetrations.
2- The expansion of resistance base:
Because of tending to carry out its operations without any coordination with other military platoons, the IR has been accused of monopolizing the resistance for political reasons, and the negligence of the other sides, such as steadfastness and social development which complete the military side in the resistance.
The IR managed to refute these accusations and opened the door for participation of the non- Muslim forces for facing the occupation, although it did not abandon its special systematic, security and military principles.
In 3 November1997, Hassan Nasrollah declared that the resistance will form "the Lebanon brigades for resisting the Israeli occupation" as a comprehensive party for who wants to take part in the operations against Israel in the south of Lebanon. Hassan Nasrollah confirmed that "the formation will stay far away the IR group which will be ready to support the brigades to carry out the security and military operations within the occupied Lebanon territories.
Neither disproving the accusation of resistance monopoly nor preserving the military and security systematical framework, the reason of forming these brigades without restricting any Islamic idea; but the real motive was to broaden the participation for facing the enemy, especially within the Lebanon society which witnesses political, doctrinal and sectarian variation. These brigades implemented operations against the occupation. The privacy of the IR hindered the wish of some non- Muslim Lebanese factions and political trends to fight under the umbrella of the IR. The aims and priorities of the IR's leaders' initiative, which proved that fighting is not exclusive on one group, focused on:
* To dedicate the struggle case against the enemy and to liberate the land.
* To face the normalization.
* To abort the enemy attempts to have a legitimate entity in the region.
* To create a great Islamic, national and international idea including all powers, leaders, social classes, religious thoughts and intellectual, cultural and political beliefs.
3- Using the new developed means of fighting:
The IR used the guerrilla warfare, i.e. the new groups which launch sudden attacks against the enemy patrols and fortifications; or implant mines and ambushes on its way.
The resistance succeeded in presenting different and distinguished experiment concerning the political, informational and security levels, the important features are:
a- The variation of tactics and operations:
The IR did not depend on one tactic in the confrontation; waiting the enemy on roads, amid of forests or smashing its positions in the far villages, in addition to launching wide operations against more than one location of enemy. It managed to dominate many places for long hours, destroy it and occasionally capture the included persons.
b- Developing the high intelligences abilities:
The IR succeeded in developing high standard intelligence abilities helped it observe the move of the enemy soldiers and agents, besides the severe direct losses through ambushes or explosions inside and outside the occupied strip till the Israeli borders. As a result, the suspicions and questions were raised within the security and military Israeli society to investigate the degree of Hezbollah penetration to these places and agents, especially after the failure of the last trial of Israeli airdrop in "Anssariah" territory beside the beach in the south Lebanon in (4/9/1997), in which all elite soldiers were killed; they were about15 Israeli, and the resistance retained some their remains which were exchanged by the corpses of 40 martyrs including 30 affiliated to the IR; and this was the first time for Israel to face this kind of failure in similar operations.
c- Psychological warfare and military media:
IR depended on the modern material and psychological ways in the influence operations on the civil public opinion and military among the soldiers. The resistance managed to form a secret body, named (military media), its members submit to a special military, ideological and technical course include the direct shooting of most operations against the occupation soldiers and agents, and filming the operation of breaking into the sites and fixing its banners above the fortifications. The resistance resorted to broadcast media traps to the enemy, for example it published a videotape about the steps of breaking into "B'ir kelab" site on 27/2/198-98; but the leader of Israeli liaison detachment - Irez Gorstein claimed that the resistance did not enter the site, then it published another one included the details of storming into the site, the entry of soldiers and the raising of the banners above its fortifications; the informational trick was repeated with the "al Dabsha" site in 12/5/1998, and "Hadatha" in 2/7/1998. On another level and in varied occasions, the resistance arranged the visits of media persons, municipal chiefs and governors to its site, as it used the internet to spread the news of its operations and different messages all over the world. Al Manar TV (one of resistance mass media, in addition to al Nour radio) specified a page on the web itself concerned with the IR news, and including texts about the resistance and its operation in Arabic and English. These new techniques in filming are the first in Lebanon.
4- Facing the enemy and appeasing the country:
The resistance avoided the clashes and lateral battles with the institutions, the military and political movements in Lebanon, which existed before the Israeli overrun in 1982 and later. Hezbollah (the political wing of resistance) also avoided facing the Lebanese Authority, adopting the violence strategy against the enemy, and calming on the internal front. As a result, it did not involve in clash against the Lebanese army in 13 September 1993, after the Oslo agreement. The army fired Hezbollah peaceful demonstration, which went out to condemn the agreement, during which eight were killed, and tens wounded among the demonstrators. Several years later, the relation between them was marked by cooperation and coordination in an unprecedented form. This led to disclosure the agents and security nets connected with the enemy, and trail who was arrested before the Lebanon judiciary. The uncovering of these cells raised extreme criticism inside Israel that made the Knesset member Gadaoon Ezra- former official in al Shabak body- says in an interview with occupation army radio "it is incredible to believe in the discovery of the Israeli net in this size, this showed the failure of implementation and execution". Hassan Nasrollah, Hezbollah secretary general expressed this level of cooperation during the exchange operation of the remains of martyrs with that of the Israeli soldiers, saying "Lebanon and all world should take into consideration that the army officers and soldiers carry the biers of the resistant and chant the death anthem, and carry out the military salute. Moreover the martyrs' blood in the Lebanese army mixed with that of resistance's; this matter not only angers Israel and America, but disturb and hurt them as well. At that time, Hassan Nasrollah met the representative of the army leader, Emil LaHood presiding over a military delegation to present the condolence concerning the coming martyrs and congratulations regarding the returning prisoners.
Despite the clash with the other movements (like Amal movement principally), it still exceptional and did not change the resistance choice to redirect its aims against the enemy soldiers and agents. Who looks at the situation of anarchy and difference among the institutions in Palestinian and Lebanese parties before and after the Israeli overrun in 1982, realize how this strategy choice formed a principal factor in keeping the resistance and its progression, in addition to the national gathering around it.
5- Liquidating the agents:
The resistance exerted intensive efforts to captures the militias working for Israel in addition to destroying its morale. Since 1998, we witness certain successful and specific operations aiming at catching the leaders of these militias and many security officials. This shows the speed collapse of the militias after the withdrawal of the occupation army from the occupied territory. In the past- as the newspapers stated- there were disputes among the leaders of security and military bodies inside the militia of the agents because of and mutual accusation between them regarding the default which led to the success of the IR's operations.
The occupation forces besieged the al- Naqora harbor to stop the escape of the agents, in addition to the direct military strikes against them. The resistance resorted to the encouragement ways through instigating them to escape, and through what was called "opening the door of repentance" for who want to present him self to the Lebanese authorities or the resistance. It also proposed a plan concerning this respect in the Lebanese parliament. These intensive efforts, in 1998, resulted in the withdrawal of the agents from Gazeen in 1999.
6- Using the means of mobilization:
After the overrun of 1982, the stage of comprehensive occupation, which included most of Lebanese lands in addition to Beirut, the resistance depended on two complete methods: the comprehensive mobilization and military operations similar to the above- stated guerrilla warfare.
After the partial withdrawal in 1986 to the border strip parallel to the borders with the Zionist entity, the resistance confined to the military operations excluding the mass crowd, but it moved speedily to wide media mobilization towards the Lebanese public opinion with its different ideas through its TV channel al Manar, al Nour radio and weekly al `Ahd newspaper to spread the operations news and top officials speeches as well as the political, cultural and religious guidance and the occupation's history, crimes and massacres.
The mobilization and gathering means, which were used in the first stage of facing the occupation, i.e. between 1982 and 1986, were in the occupied territories, and had a religious characteristics in an environment in which religion was the main element in forming its identity and history.
The resistance benefited from the religious mobilization atmosphere, which rejects the occupation and calls for facing the occupation. Most of scholars in mosques and some times in the villages promoted these calls even before the emergence of the IR or the declaration of its existence and identity.
In May, 1983, the first mass protest was in one of the villages of the occupied South (Jibsheet) because of the arrest of Raghib Harb, and then it included the neighboring villages, which compelled the occupation authorities to set him free, but was assassinated several months later, so the demonstrations covered all Lebanon, the village Imams directed the people for demos and blocking the villages entries with burning tires and stones, in addition to facing the trials of breaking into the villages. After every wave of protest, the extended meeting of scholars' authority was held to issue a statement concerning the developments which determine the coming steps. In al Jum'a (Friday) speeches, the Sheikhs called for boycotting the Israeli goods, which prevailed the markets, in addition to confronting all who handle with the enemy and facing the enemy projects of villages union. These situations were repeated during the agreement of 17 may 1984 with Israel.
Under the atmosphere of religious mobilization which recalled the history of the Islamic martyrs, Imam al Hussein, standing against injustice and the supreme martyr position, until the Jihad history in the mountain of `Amel (south Lebanon) against the French. In1983, in (`Ashuraa') at al Nabtiya town in the south Lebanon, the gatherings dared to attack Israeli caravan, using stones and burned some of the cars, which led to siege of the town and arresting its youth. The mosques were the places of gathering and meeting as well as the forts to which people resort when Israeli forces invaded the territories and regions.
Hezbollah, twenty years of resistance and victory
Ikhwanweb - Beirut , Lebanon
Friday, August 18, 2006
While the Israeli occupation persists in invading Lebanon, Hezbollah and the Islamic resistance (IR) proved that not only they can stand and face the Israeli occupation troops, but also make the Israelis suffer the same experience they repeatedly made the Arabs and Muslims suffer in Lebanon and Palestine nowadays, or in Egypt, Jordon and Syria in the past. This experience is to be horribly terrified of bombs or Katiousha missiles lest it may demolish your house.
This war- which lasted for eight days today- proved that Hezbollah and the Islamic resistance- though their limited capabilities- can resist. It caused the Israeli army gross casualties, such as the destruction of their battleship and airship, and dozens of rocket missiles on Haifa, Tabaria and other Israeli cities.
Hezbollah actually exists in an active way in the Lebanese political arena since 20 years, the military resistance to the Israeli existence in Lebanon helped Hezbollah obtain local and regional legitimacy, especially after the Israeli invasion of Lebanon in 1982, Hezbollah crowned its political and military actions by forcing Israel to withdraw from southern Lebanon in May- last year.
Who are Hezbollah? What about the origin, structure, internal institutions, relation with Syria and Iran, and the future after the Israeli withdrawal from Lebanon?
We will tackle the following topics in the report:
* The origin and development of Hezbollah
* The reasons of success in resistance
The origin
The existence of Hezbollah in Lebanon, in 1982, was preceded by an intellectual and ideological environment, which Sheikh Hussein Fadlollah had an important role in its existence, through his scholarly activity in the south. Due to the political and ideological correlation between both sides, the Islamic Revolution in Iran- led by Ayatollah al-Khomeini in 1979- helped the emergence of Hezbollah.
Hezbollah party issued a statement in 16/2/1985, in which it said "the party is adherent to the instructions set by a wise and just leadership represented in the jurist Ayatollah al- Mosawi al- Khomeini, the leader of the Muslims' revolution and renaissance."
The majority of the party is Shiite Lebanese who are ideologically affiliated to Iran, because they consider Ayatollah Ali Khamen'i one of the supreme religious authorities, Sheikh Hassan Nasrollah is the secretary general of Hezbollah and the legitimate deputy of Ayatollah Ali Khamen'i in Lebanon. This ideological and juristic correlation is quite clear in the direct and rapid support of the Islamic Republic to the emerging party.
The party was instituted in an atmosphere of military resistance of the Israeli occupation in Lebanon in 1982, so the party's political ideology basis is resisting occupation. The first military operation to make Hezbollah famous in the Arab world was in October 1983, when the party exploded the American and French premises killing 300 American and French soldiers.
The party's orientations
Hassan Nasrollah says that the party cares for the destination and future of Lebanon, participates with the rest of political trends to establish free and just society in Lebanon and is interested in all the Arab and Islamic issues, especially the Palestinian.
The structure
Though having secret activities, the party declared some of its organizational bodies which regulate its work, for example:
- Leadership authority
- Political council
- Planning council
- Parliament bloc
- Executive groups
- Advisory institutions
The decisions are made by the majority of votes within these institutions. The consultative council is the supreme organizational authority, because it is made up of 12 members responsible for following up economical and social fields.
Secretaries of the party
Muhammad Hussein Fadlollah is the real founder of Hezbollah, because he had Da'wa (call) activity among the Shiite in the south, which encouraged the people to sympathize with the party, which was founded in 1982 and officially declared in 1985.
The first secretary general of the party was Sheikh Sobhi Attofaili, who assumed the position from 1989 till 1991, but he was compelled to resign, because the party refused his declaration of a unilateral civil disobedience of the Lebanese government, he was followed by Sheikh `Abbas al-Mosawi, who stayed in this position only for nine months, because of being assassinated by Israel in 1992, then the party has been led by Sheikh Hassan Nasrollah.
Service institutions
Hezbollah presented services for the people, especially in southern Lebanon, which had a great role in the party's popularity; the party was absorbed in establishing new schools and beneficiary societies which cared for the injured and martyrs, such as:
- "Building Jihad" foundation was instituted in1988, included many engineers, technicians and workers. It specialized in digging wells and preparing educational courses in agriculture and veterinary.
- The Islamic Health authority had 47 branches in all the country and the south, in addition to Beirut.
- The non- interest loan society was founded in1982 to provide the needy with loans without interests.
- Islamic beneficiary support society was founded in 1987, to help achieve self- sufficiency for families, and caring the orphans, disabled, and widows.
- Martyr association caring and providing education to the families of the martyrs.
- Islamic institution for education was founded in 1993 to build new schools in different places in Lebanon. The priority to join these schools was for the martyrs' offspring.
- Authority for supporting the Islamic resistance to collect donations for the resistance, hold symposiums, and shows to spread the awareness about the importance of resistance.
The party has important sports, cultural, and informational institutions, such as Imam Khomeini center, Al'hd magazine, and Al-Manar TV channel, which managed to attract a wide range of the audience, it also carried out a live broadcast for Hezbollah's operations against Israel.
Thought and programs
Hezbollah differs between thought and political platform; they say that the political idea doesn't expire due to the incompatible political reality, such as the idea of establishing an Islamic state, Hassan Nasrollah said "our vision about the Islamic state is different from that of Taliban in Afghanistan; the idea of the Islamic state is present at the political thought level, as for the platform, the Lebanese characteristics don't support this idea. The hopeful Islamic state should come out of public support, now we can't establish it nowadays, because it needs security."
Hezbollah and Syria
Hezbollah has a distinguished relation with Syria since the middle of the 70s, when Syria declared that it will enter and exist in Lebanon to settle the civil war. Syria managed to disarm the fighting factions and dismantled the militias, but did not disarm Hezbollah, because the party didn't participate in the civil war, but was absorbed in the security belt set by Israel in south Lebanon. This distinguished relation was escalated by Syria using the party as a paper to exert pressure with on Israel concerning political gains in any negotiations about the occupied Golan Heights. Hezbollah don't deny the Syrian aids to it.
Hezbollah considers the Syrian existence is important for both Syria and Lebanon, to avoid the continuous threats and to maintain the political balance between the Lebanese factions, that's why the party organized a big demo, included more than 100 thousands, as a reply to all who oppose the Syrian existence in Lebanon.
Hezbollah and Iran
We find that both policy and religion are intermingled in the relation between Hezbollah and Iran; the Shiite Lebanese have deep spiritual relations with the religious authorities in Iran, moreover they consider the leader of the Iranian revolution, Ayatollah Ali Khamen'i, the supreme religious authority for them. Hassan Nasrollah is called the legitimate deputy of Ayatollah Ali Khamen'i.
Though all political and financial support the party receives from Iran, it can't be considered an Iranian party inside Lebanon; Hassan Nasrollah says "the secretary general of the party is Lebanese, all the cadres are Lebanese, implements its activities in Lebanon, and defends and presents martyrs for the sake of liberating Lebanon". All these criteria denote that it's Lebanese not Iranian.
The military operations
Hezbollah is different from other Lebanese parties, because of its military operations, which helped him actually get out of theorization to practice and gave it popularity and legitimacy in Lebanon. These military actions are clear factors which stir up unrest among the Israelis, and a practical answer to some of the Arab intellectuals who call for peaceful naturalization with Israel.
One of its operations against Israel
The military operations of Hezbollah against Israel caused great damage ranges between 22 and 23 annual killings, besides a big number of injured and prisoners. The party's sources indicate that the average of military operations done by Hezbollah from 1989 till 1991 mounted 292, and from 1992 till 1994 mounted 465 and from 1995 till 1997 mounted 936, the Islamic resistance- the military wing of Hezbollah- carried out 736 operations.
As for the Israeli sources, they indicate that Israel lost 36 soldier in 1988 and 64 were injured, and two kidnapped. By and large, Israel lost 1200 person during 18 years.
Israel's withdrawal was due to these operations, the first big pullout was in 1985, and then was followed by several pullbacks, at top of them was that from "Juzain", a Lebanese territory. The operations created a public current calling for pullout from "the Lebanese quagmire", the most prominent movement was "The Four Mothers."
Hezbollah used the guerrillas and martyrdom operations, which usually used explosives, ambushes, guns and Katiousha missiles, the famous weapon used by the party against Israel.
The military resistance of Hezbollah is marked by accuracy in determining the targets, sudden action and secure pullback after the operations, in addition to a well- trained investigation body. The most famous operation of the party was "Anssariah" battle in 1997, when they induced a helicopter with 16 Israeli worriers onboard and destroyed them all.
Hezbollah and politics
Hezbollah has a great role in policy since the agreement of Atta'ef in 1990, which the party approved except for some terms. The party stood siding with the opposition, in its first parliamentary elections in 1992, it wan 12 seats, which was the biggest number a bloc can obtain individually. It also participated in 1996 elections. In the current parliament, it has 8 serious members, who propose new platforms and deep researches to be discussed. The party seeks to form a political bloc to exert pressure on the others. It participated in syndicates' elections, especially doctors and engineers' syndicates, as well as students and workers unions.
Through its political practice, the party tried to apply Islamic principles through persuasion and dialogue, rejecting violence as a means to be empowered. It calls for intercultural communication and refuses clash of civilizations theory, that's why it's a good role in holding dialogues between it and the Christian religious figures, tries to coordinate with the national and leftist trends, and doesn't object to participate in the cabinet.
Hezbollah after withdrawal
Many questions arose about the future of Hezbollah after the Israeli pullout from the south; will it dismantle the military wing? The party always replies that it won't give up weapon or military resistance, except in one case, i.e. the liberation of all Lebanon- denoting to Sheb'a farmlands, which are still under the Israeli occupation- and the release of all the Arab prisoners, including Sheikh Abdul- Kareem 'Ebeid and Sheikh al-Derani, from the Israeli prisons.
The political and social work of the party is superior to the military activity, so it can suffice with policy- if it decides. It seems that it will go on military actions till Syria reaches an agreement with Israel.
Resistance success reasons
1-Independence and secrecy:
Unlike the traditional resistance, the IR since its emergence until now has not participated in operations against the occupation with any other party. It does not want the ideological harmony, lest it might be penetrated by the enemy, when political and ideological trends vary, it will be difficult to be controlled or ruled, as what happened with the past resistance advocates, (especially the Palestinian), which suffered much assassinations because of these security penetrations.
2- The expansion of resistance base:
Because of tending to carry out its operations without any coordination with other military platoons, the IR has been accused of monopolizing the resistance for political reasons, and the negligence of the other sides, such as steadfastness and social development which complete the military side in the resistance.
The IR managed to refute these accusations and opened the door for participation of the non- Muslim forces for facing the occupation, although it did not abandon its special systematic, security and military principles.
In 3 November1997, Hassan Nasrollah declared that the resistance will form "the Lebanon brigades for resisting the Israeli occupation" as a comprehensive party for who wants to take part in the operations against Israel in the south of Lebanon. Hassan Nasrollah confirmed that "the formation will stay far away the IR group which will be ready to support the brigades to carry out the security and military operations within the occupied Lebanon territories.
Neither disproving the accusation of resistance monopoly nor preserving the military and security systematical framework, the reason of forming these brigades without restricting any Islamic idea; but the real motive was to broaden the participation for facing the enemy, especially within the Lebanon society which witnesses political, doctrinal and sectarian variation. These brigades implemented operations against the occupation. The privacy of the IR hindered the wish of some non- Muslim Lebanese factions and political trends to fight under the umbrella of the IR. The aims and priorities of the IR's leaders' initiative, which proved that fighting is not exclusive on one group, focused on:
* To dedicate the struggle case against the enemy and to liberate the land.
* To face the normalization.
* To abort the enemy attempts to have a legitimate entity in the region.
* To create a great Islamic, national and international idea including all powers, leaders, social classes, religious thoughts and intellectual, cultural and political beliefs.
3- Using the new developed means of fighting:
The IR used the guerrilla warfare, i.e. the new groups which launch sudden attacks against the enemy patrols and fortifications; or implant mines and ambushes on its way.
The resistance succeeded in presenting different and distinguished experiment concerning the political, informational and security levels, the important features are:
a- The variation of tactics and operations:
The IR did not depend on one tactic in the confrontation; waiting the enemy on roads, amid of forests or smashing its positions in the far villages, in addition to launching wide operations against more than one location of enemy. It managed to dominate many places for long hours, destroy it and occasionally capture the included persons.
b- Developing the high intelligences abilities:
The IR succeeded in developing high standard intelligence abilities helped it observe the move of the enemy soldiers and agents, besides the severe direct losses through ambushes or explosions inside and outside the occupied strip till the Israeli borders. As a result, the suspicions and questions were raised within the security and military Israeli society to investigate the degree of Hezbollah penetration to these places and agents, especially after the failure of the last trial of Israeli airdrop in "Anssariah" territory beside the beach in the south Lebanon in (4/9/1997), in which all elite soldiers were killed; they were about15 Israeli, and the resistance retained some their remains which were exchanged by the corpses of 40 martyrs including 30 affiliated to the IR; and this was the first time for Israel to face this kind of failure in similar operations.
c- Psychological warfare and military media:
IR depended on the modern material and psychological ways in the influence operations on the civil public opinion and military among the soldiers. The resistance managed to form a secret body, named (military media), its members submit to a special military, ideological and technical course include the direct shooting of most operations against the occupation soldiers and agents, and filming the operation of breaking into the sites and fixing its banners above the fortifications. The resistance resorted to broadcast media traps to the enemy, for example it published a videotape about the steps of breaking into "B'ir kelab" site on 27/2/198-98; but the leader of Israeli liaison detachment - Irez Gorstein claimed that the resistance did not enter the site, then it published another one included the details of storming into the site, the entry of soldiers and the raising of the banners above its fortifications; the informational trick was repeated with the "al Dabsha" site in 12/5/1998, and "Hadatha" in 2/7/1998. On another level and in varied occasions, the resistance arranged the visits of media persons, municipal chiefs and governors to its site, as it used the internet to spread the news of its operations and different messages all over the world. Al Manar TV (one of resistance mass media, in addition to al Nour radio) specified a page on the web itself concerned with the IR news, and including texts about the resistance and its operation in Arabic and English. These new techniques in filming are the first in Lebanon.
4- Facing the enemy and appeasing the country:
The resistance avoided the clashes and lateral battles with the institutions, the military and political movements in Lebanon, which existed before the Israeli overrun in 1982 and later. Hezbollah (the political wing of resistance) also avoided facing the Lebanese Authority, adopting the violence strategy against the enemy, and calming on the internal front. As a result, it did not involve in clash against the Lebanese army in 13 September 1993, after the Oslo agreement. The army fired Hezbollah peaceful demonstration, which went out to condemn the agreement, during which eight were killed, and tens wounded among the demonstrators. Several years later, the relation between them was marked by cooperation and coordination in an unprecedented form. This led to disclosure the agents and security nets connected with the enemy, and trail who was arrested before the Lebanon judiciary. The uncovering of these cells raised extreme criticism inside Israel that made the Knesset member Gadaoon Ezra- former official in al Shabak body- says in an interview with occupation army radio "it is incredible to believe in the discovery of the Israeli net in this size, this showed the failure of implementation and execution". Hassan Nasrollah, Hezbollah secretary general expressed this level of cooperation during the exchange operation of the remains of martyrs with that of the Israeli soldiers, saying "Lebanon and all world should take into consideration that the army officers and soldiers carry the biers of the resistant and chant the death anthem, and carry out the military salute. Moreover the martyrs' blood in the Lebanese army mixed with that of resistance's; this matter not only angers Israel and America, but disturb and hurt them as well. At that time, Hassan Nasrollah met the representative of the army leader, Emil LaHood presiding over a military delegation to present the condolence concerning the coming martyrs and congratulations regarding the returning prisoners.
Despite the clash with the other movements (like Amal movement principally), it still exceptional and did not change the resistance choice to redirect its aims against the enemy soldiers and agents. Who looks at the situation of anarchy and difference among the institutions in Palestinian and Lebanese parties before and after the Israeli overrun in 1982, realize how this strategy choice formed a principal factor in keeping the resistance and its progression, in addition to the national gathering around it.
5- Liquidating the agents:
The resistance exerted intensive efforts to captures the militias working for Israel in addition to destroying its morale. Since 1998, we witness certain successful and specific operations aiming at catching the leaders of these militias and many security officials. This shows the speed collapse of the militias after the withdrawal of the occupation army from the occupied territory. In the past- as the newspapers stated- there were disputes among the leaders of security and military bodies inside the militia of the agents because of and mutual accusation between them regarding the default which led to the success of the IR's operations.
The occupation forces besieged the al- Naqora harbor to stop the escape of the agents, in addition to the direct military strikes against them. The resistance resorted to the encouragement ways through instigating them to escape, and through what was called "opening the door of repentance" for who want to present him self to the Lebanese authorities or the resistance. It also proposed a plan concerning this respect in the Lebanese parliament. These intensive efforts, in 1998, resulted in the withdrawal of the agents from Gazeen in 1999.
6- Using the means of mobilization:
After the overrun of 1982, the stage of comprehensive occupation, which included most of Lebanese lands in addition to Beirut, the resistance depended on two complete methods: the comprehensive mobilization and military operations similar to the above- stated guerrilla warfare.
After the partial withdrawal in 1986 to the border strip parallel to the borders with the Zionist entity, the resistance confined to the military operations excluding the mass crowd, but it moved speedily to wide media mobilization towards the Lebanese public opinion with its different ideas through its TV channel al Manar, al Nour radio and weekly al `Ahd newspaper to spread the operations news and top officials speeches as well as the political, cultural and religious guidance and the occupation's history, crimes and massacres.
The mobilization and gathering means, which were used in the first stage of facing the occupation, i.e. between 1982 and 1986, were in the occupied territories, and had a religious characteristics in an environment in which religion was the main element in forming its identity and history.
The resistance benefited from the religious mobilization atmosphere, which rejects the occupation and calls for facing the occupation. Most of scholars in mosques and some times in the villages promoted these calls even before the emergence of the IR or the declaration of its existence and identity.
In May, 1983, the first mass protest was in one of the villages of the occupied South (Jibsheet) because of the arrest of Raghib Harb, and then it included the neighboring villages, which compelled the occupation authorities to set him free, but was assassinated several months later, so the demonstrations covered all Lebanon, the village Imams directed the people for demos and blocking the villages entries with burning tires and stones, in addition to facing the trials of breaking into the villages. After every wave of protest, the extended meeting of scholars' authority was held to issue a statement concerning the developments which determine the coming steps. In al Jum'a (Friday) speeches, the Sheikhs called for boycotting the Israeli goods, which prevailed the markets, in addition to confronting all who handle with the enemy and facing the enemy projects of villages union. These situations were repeated during the agreement of 17 may 1984 with Israel.
Under the atmosphere of religious mobilization which recalled the history of the Islamic martyrs, Imam al Hussein, standing against injustice and the supreme martyr position, until the Jihad history in the mountain of `Amel (south Lebanon) against the French. In1983, in (`Ashuraa') at al Nabtiya town in the south Lebanon, the gatherings dared to attack Israeli caravan, using stones and burned some of the cars, which led to siege of the town and arresting its youth. The mosques were the places of gathering and meeting as well as the forts to which people resort when Israeli forces invaded the territories and regions.
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